马克斯·韦伯的法理型统治学说探析

在《经济与社会》一书中马克斯·韦伯阐述了理想类型的体系,其中有关统治的类型情况则集中地表。达了马克斯·韦伯关于统治类型的学说,魅力型统治、传统型统治、法理型统治是合法性统治的三种类型。探析马克斯·韦伯关于法理型统治及其基本条件的学说和观点,对推进社会主义法治国家的构建具有重要的意义。     

Audit for Whom? Time to Review Roles of Independent Auditors in Hong Kong

The Hong Kong government has been reforming its laws regarding accounting practices in recent years, to pre-empt problems similar to that of Enron. It correctly recognizes an opportunity to enhance and distinguish the financial system in Hong Kong and create a competitive advantage for Hong Kong. The sixty-five billion dollar question is: what is the right approach for accounting practice reform? One obvious approach is to model reform after the Sarbanes Oxley Act (SOX). The SOX increases personal liabilities of senior management and introduces extremely cumbersome compliance processes (s 3 (b)(ix) of Minutes of Bills Committee of Financial Reporting Council Bill. (19 July 2005)). While this approach may be the right move for the United States, because rescuing investor confidence is paramount, a similar approach may not be optimal for Hong Kong. Hong Kong relies, to a great degree, on foreign investments and a heavy-handed approach may scare investments away (Charles E. Schumer &; Michael R. Bloomberg To Save New York, Learn from London, Wall Street Journal 1 Nov 2006). This paper, argues that failure of independent auditors was mainly caused by bad incentives. In particular, auditors were hired by and responsible to the management of companies. Thus, there is no surprise that auditors were less diligent in finding problems caused by management. Furthermore, proposing of an alternate to the SOA’s approach. Specifically, a new legal approach should be enforced that allows shareholders to sue auditors when failure to uncover accounting issues causes loss of shareholders’ values.     

Understanding the silent majority in authoritarian populism: what can we learn from popular support for Putin in rural Russia?

ABSTRACT

This study distinguishes and challenges three main assumptions/shortcomings regarding the silent majority – the majority of the ‘ordinary’, ‘simple’, ‘little’ people, who are the main supporters of authoritarian populism. The silent majority is commonly portrayed as (1) consisting of ‘irrational’, ‘politically short-sighted’ people, who vote against their self-interests; (2) it is analysed as a homogeneous group, without attempting to distinguish different motives and interests among its members; (3) existing studies often overlook the political economy and structures of domination that gave rise to authoritarian populism. I address these shortcomings while analysing the political behaviour of rural Russians, who are the major supporters of Vladimir Putin. I reveal that the agrarian property regime and power relations in the countryside largely define the political posture of different rural groups. Less secure socio-economic strata respond more strongly to economic incentives, while better-off villagers tend to support the regime's ideological appeals. Furthermore, Putin's traditionalist authoritarian leadership style appeals to the archetypal base of the rural society – namely, its peasant roots – and, therefore, finds stronger support among the farming population. Finally, this study reveals that collective interests prevail over individual interests in the voting behaviour of rural dwellers, who support the existing regime despite the economic hardship it imposes upon them.     

The dark(er) side of ‘state failure’: state formation and socio-political variation

Scholars concerned with the formation of states, specifically the relationship between state formation and war, hold one of two positions. Some agree with Charles Tilly’s historiological conclusion that war is decisive for the establishment of stateness and specify key concepts, in order to explain presumed discrepancies between past and present. Others point towards the international sphere in its current form and advocate a ‘war breaks states’ perspective. This paper argues that both standpoints neglect the ‘sub-national’ level. While proponents of the ‘war breaks states’ thesis are missing para-sovereign zones of rule, supporters of the ‘war makes states’ approach take a juridical view of statehood and focus on ‘state strength’. The failed states paradigm guiding contemporary security and development policy hinders an adequate analysis of the actual situation on the ground. Discussing the shortcomings of failed states approaches and state formation theorising, the paper proposes a conceptualisation in terms of socio-political variation instead of a mere dichotomisation of order. Some conclusive questions are raised, indicating future research directions linked to the historical sociology of state formation.     

中国行政法治三十年

改革开放的三十年就是中国行政法治发展的三十年。平稳的动力机制之下,行政法治稳步推进。对改革开放以来中国行政法治进行比较全面的考察并进行反思,以期引起学术界对中国行政法治更广泛和深入的思考。     

论完善社会主义新农村的法治建设

法治建设同社会主义新农村建设是紧密相联、不可分割的.社会主义新农村建设的进程,本身就是一个农村法治不断完善、发展的过程.文章试从新农村法治建设的基本内涵出发,针对农村中突出和集中的法治问题进行分析,提出健全法律法规,提高农民法律意识,完善法律机制等对策,以推进社会主义新农村的法治建设.     

全球化进程中法治基础的转变——以世界主义民主理论的全球治理为出发点

全球化进程使以主权国家为核心的世界秩序发生变化,以世界主义民主理论为基础的全球治理理论的兴起给传统法治理论提供了新的研究思路。在全球化背景下,从世界主义民主的视角来看待法治理论所面临的问题,就是要重新审视全球化背景下民族国家法治的政治基础问题,这也是中国法理学面临的重要问题。     

法律行为框架中的股东表决权制度

表决权虽名为权利,但在资本多数决的股东大会决议机制下却分化为意思表达权和形成权两种性质各异的权利,而其原因在于股东大会决议行为的特殊法律行为属性和特殊法律效力,在于股东表决的不同性质——意思通知和单方法律行为,并由此导致对一系列关乎股东表决权制度的重新评价和审视,如表决权排除、类别股东表决、异议股东股份购买请求权以及资本多数决的决议机制等。     

中国特色社会主义工会建设之理论基础初探——劳动哲学论纲

需要一种中介和桥梁,把马克思主义的普遍真理和中国工会的具体实践连接起来,把马克思主义的世界观、价值观和方法论,与工会学、劳动关系学等具体的有关工人阶级和工会的社会科学连接起来。劳动哲学就是这样一种中介和桥梁。     

论佛教对中国法治的借鉴意义

佛教自传入中国迄今已有两千多年历史,在历史发展进程中,已成为中国传统文化不可分割的一部分,对中国社会及传统法律制度产生广泛而深刻的影响。佛教戒律、因果律、佛教人文精神的阐述对现代法治、法律的比较与中国法治的有借鉴意义。