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61.
随着社会的发展和文明的进步,女性在社会和家庭中地位不断提高,并发挥着越来越重要的作用。但女性暴力犯罪也日益突出并受到社会各界的关注。因此,研究女性暴力犯罪问题迫在眉睫。 相似文献
62.
从新闻传播的真实性与公正性原则出发,探讨媒体在中俄战略伙伴关系中发挥的三种作用:“尊重事实避免虚假新闻”、“摒弃炒作负面新闻”和“引导沟通充当经贸桥梁”。目的在于从大众传媒领域找到推进中俄战略伙伴关系的新动力。 相似文献
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65.
Virginie Redouté Minzière M.Sc. Denis Werner M.Sc. Daniela Schneider M.Sc. Manuela Manganelli M.S. Balthasar Jung Ph.D. Céline Weyermann Ph.D. Anne-Laure Gassner Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1102-1113
Gunshot residue (GSR) analysis and their interpretation provide crucial information on a criminal investigation involving the use of firearms. To date, several approaches have been proposed for the implementation of a combined sampling and analysis of inorganic (IGSR) and organic GSR (OGSR). However, it is not clear at this stage if concurrent analyses of both types of residue might be detrimental to the analysis of IGSR currently applied in forensic laboratories. Thus, this work aims to compare and evaluate three different protocols for the combined collection and analysis of IGSR and OGSR. These methods, respectively, involve the use of a modified stub (with two halves, one for the detection of IGSR and the other for the analysis of OGSR); the sequential recovery of GSR with two stubs mounted with different adhesives (double-sided carbon tape and Tesa® TACK) and the sequential analysis of IGSR and OGSR from a single carbon stub following carbon deposition. The detection of IGSR was carried out using SEM-EDX, while OGSR analysis was performed using ultra-high-performance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (UHPLC-MS/MS). Obtained results for experiments performed using Geco Sinoxid® ammunition indicated that sequential analysis was the most suitable protocol for the combined collection and analysis of both IGSR and OGSR. A higher number of inorganic (characteristic and consistent) particles and higher concentrations of ethylcentralite, N-nitrosodiphenylamine, diphenylamine, and nitroglycerin were recovered with this method. 相似文献
66.
This study examined gender differences in cross-gender violence perpetration and victimization (ranging from mild, e.g., push,
to severe, e.g., assault with a knife or gun) and attitudes toward dating conflict, among an urban sample of 601 early adolescents
(78% African-American). Comparisons across gender groups for cross-gender (e.g., female-to-male) violence perpetration and
victimization indicated higher levels of perpetration for girls and higher levels of victimization for boys. Girls also reported
higher levels of verbal and physical violence toward partners with regard to attitudes toward dating conflict. A path model
was specified and indicated that cross-gender violence perpetration, harsh parenting, peer deviance, low family income, and
neighborhood hazards accounted for significant variation in attitudes toward dating conflict. Findings were discussed regarding
the need to identify developmental precursors of dating violence in early adolescence and to focus prevention efforts on components
(e.g., social skills, coping strategies) necessary to prevent the onset and escalation of adolescent dating violence.
相似文献
Sylvie MrugEmail: |
67.
王潮 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(3):64-69
坚持和贯彻群众路线是公安机关的优良传统和特色。在新世纪新形势下,公安机关必须继承和发展群众路线,解放思想,与时俱进,不断创新群众路线,从而更加有效地发挥职能作用。 相似文献
68.
AbstractDrawing historical comparisons between the nineteenth century and the present, this paper describes and analyses how an elite section of the global rich, through mega-giving and a re-emerging notion of ‘noblesse oblige’ that is enshrined in the philanthrocapitalism movement, have fostered a sacred rationale for their extreme wealth. Not only do the new nobles hold the power of wealth but, through mega-giving, they generate a moral imagery akin to religious figures who ostensibly self-sacrifice for the good of everyone else. This generates a form of charismatic authority that affords the super-rich an influential space from which to spread a ‘theodicy of privilege’ – shielding growing wealth concentration from criticism and sanctifying the claim that individual mega-wealth is collectively beneficial. Through its contribution to and facilitation of the inegalitarian status quo, this theodicy engenders various forms of structural violence. Here we explore the mechanisms that enable wealthy donors to position themselves as apparent benefactors of humanity, including a reliance on metrics that appear to justify the claim that targeted philanthropic expenditures can and are reducing global wealth and health inequalities, but which raise unanswered questions surrounding the actual effects of the outcomes claimed. 相似文献
69.
JULIE SEVENANS 《European Journal of Political Research》2018,57(1):153-170
Political agenda‐setting research has shown that policy makers are responsive vis‐à‐vis media priorities. However, the mechanisms behind this effect have remained understudied so far. In particular, agenda‐setting scholars have difficulties determining to what extent politicians react to media coverage purely because of the information it contains (information effect), and to what extent the effect is driven not by what the media say but by the fact that certain information is in the media (media channel effect), which is valued for its own sake – for instance, because media coverage is considered to be a reflection of public opinion. By means of a survey‐embedded experiment with Belgian, Canadian and Israeli political elites (N = 410), this study tests whether the mere fact that an issue is covered by the news media causes politicians to pay attention to this issue. It shows that a piece of information gets more attention from politicians when it comes via the media rather than an identical piece of information coming via a personal e‐mail. This effect occurs largely across the board: it is not dependent on individual politician characteristics. 相似文献
70.
Jos Midas Bartman 《Democratization》2018,25(7):1093-1113
Journalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country’s general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism. 相似文献