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121.
Imanol Murua 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):93-114
The Basque separatist organisation ETA laid down its arms in 2011 after 40 years of an armed campaign for independence. It was not a consequence of political negotiations. The Basque group did not achieve its goals. Yet, it unilaterally decided to end its armed activity forever. This article analyses why and how ETA ended its armed campaign. It clarifies the events from the collapse of the last peace process in June 2007 to the announcement of the definitive end of ETA’s campaign in October 2011. It identifies the causal factors that led the Basque group towards its end. This article contends that the end of ETA’s campaign is a case of transformation triggered by its constituency’s withdrawal of support for the armed struggle. The leadership and social base of the political movement to which ETA belongs concluded that political violence was not effective anymore and, furthermore, was damaging for the Basque pro-independence movement. After an internal struggle, in which the faction advocating for exclusively political means prevailed, ETA was driven towards a unilateral abandonment of armed struggle. 相似文献
122.
Mark Pope 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):138-161
This article on drone strikes in Pakistan offers a distinctive empirical case study for critical scholarship of counterterrorism. By asking how cosmopolitanism has developed through UK news discourse, it also provides a constructivist contribution to the literature on drones. I argue that UK news discourse is not cosmopolitan because it focuses on risk and places the Other beyond comprehension. US–UK networked counterterrorism operations have complicated accountability, and while a drive for certainty promoted more scrutiny of policy, news media outlets, academics and activists turned to statistical and visual genres of communication that have inhibited understanding of the Other. 相似文献
123.
124.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(222):87-115
This article explores the nature of negative campaigns that were held in both 2000 and 2006 Mexican presidential elections. The purpose is to establish that the generalized use of negative campaigning concurs with the development of two unusual electoral processes: the transition of the State party into an opposition party (2000), and its consolidation as government (2006). Based on the theoretical claims of Shiv (1997), Lau (1999), and Finkel (1998), the author describes the development of negative campaigns in those elections that represented the starting point and the presumed consummation of the use of this kind of campaigns. With journals’ documented records and the monitoring of tv spots of both elections it is established that the 2000 presidential election used negative campaigns based on decrying the official party, while the 2006 election resorted to negative tv spots. 相似文献
125.
Line Henriksen 《Women & Performance》2013,23(3):414-423
Consider this a vade mecum: an invitation to “walk with me” through more or less uncanny terrains of worlds in the making in search, of(f) course, of monsters. The search will be delving into the areas of “creepypasta:” pieces of cursed prose and pictures that circulate online, waiting to contaminate and possess the next reader. Using a theoretical framework of posthuman and feminist theory, not least the work done by Jacques Derrida and Donna Haraway, this vade mecum asks what it might mean to engage ethically with that which is not supposed to exist, but which haunts us nonetheless. In other words: what does it mean to move, live and engage with spectres in digital times? 相似文献
126.
Fiona Symington 《社会征候学》2013,23(3):307-321
It is now commonplace within the discipline of art history and visual culture to speak to theories of vision and visuality. Recent questions concerning the subject of vision, sexed positionalities and discourses of viewing are indebted to theories of visuality, which now occupy a privileged place within the study of visual culture. Theories of visuality have revealed both the terms of cultural visibilities and significantly the how of what we see. And yet despite this engagement of the opacity and duplicity of the visual, recent work into visuality has been plagued by a re‐occurring myopia regarding the corporeal This oversight within the visibilites of visual discourse is the unchallenged idea of a ‘human vision’ within the social constructivist project. In this article I assess how this universal operates as the matter for theories of visuality and of the ramifications of this for the project of the critique of vision. 相似文献
127.
马涛 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2013,(3):36-39
媒体对暴力犯罪的不当报道,会对潜在犯罪者起到模仿示范效应。鉴于新闻传媒客观、如实反映事件的职业伦理,其应当于公众知情权与犯罪预防间寻求平衡。但此种平衡未必尽然体现为“冷处理”式的抑制,必要时,在恪守媒体报道“绝对禁区”的前提下,适度地对特定暴力犯罪予以“热处理”,不仅是无害的,而且,其本身即为规避模仿示范效应的另一种至关重要的途径。 相似文献
128.
赵敏 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):52-55
媒体介入刑事审判更多地是对审判独立形成了一种干预,社会舆论的日益自由化和一定程度的不可控性,极易引起党政机关领导及国家司法行政机关的关注,转而对法官依照事实和法律独立地形成心证作出裁断产生干扰.但不可否认的是,媒介审判以其刚性的表征客观上也起到了其本质上监督审判运行的作用,对于现阶段完善我国的审判监督机制具有着某种意义上的积极作用. 相似文献
129.
本文从理论上阐明中国-东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)建设中充分发挥传媒作用的必要性和重要性,分析了传媒在CAFTA建设中的经济和文化作用,从而丰富和深化对自由贸易区建设产业内涵及动力机制的理解。 相似文献
130.
Yonah Alexander Editor‐in‐Chief 《政治交往》2013,30(1):3-4
This study applies Elisabeth Noelle‐Neumann's spiral of silence theory to the controversial issue of whether children with AIDS should be allowed to attend public school. The study tests the theory's hypotheses in light of two content analyses of the media's treatment of the issue. The findings offer tentative and qualified support for Noelle‐Neumann's theoretical propositions about the relationship between individuals' perceptions of the issue and the media's tenor of the issue; particularly that of television. The findings suggest the need to address the role of other agents of influence, including reference groups, and to use time‐based data to unravel the causal order of the relationships. 相似文献