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21.
Kineret Guterman 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):640-652
This article considers popular ways of representing terror activists, and the metamorphoses that approaches to representation in the American media have undergone. A part of the article deals with terrorism in the media over time, common stereotypes, and how they affect the representation of Arabs and Muslims. The article then discusses Sleeper Cell (2005), a mini-series which focuses on a Jihad terror group. The article addresses questions including: How are Arabs and non-Arab Muslims portrayed in the series? Can a real change be observed over time in the method of portraying them? Twentieth-century historical considerations precede the pointed topical discussion. 相似文献
22.
In recent years, the Australian government has shifted the focus of its foreign economic and trade policies away from traditional practices and partners and onto Asia while simultaneously maintaining close diplomatic and defence ties with Washington. Using the results of the 1993 Australian Election Study survey, this note examines the place of public opinion in this continuing exercise. We find that although there is public support for increased trade with Asia, strong protectionist and pro‐alliance sentiments remain strong within the populace at large. These prevailing sentiments and their, albeit at this stage limited, interconnections could serve to complicate any push towards greater trade ties with its Asian neighbours. 相似文献
23.
Susan Herbst 《政治交往》2013,30(3):253-254
Although news is a social construction that narrates events in the world by assimilating them to existing cultural categories, there are many cultural categories from which to choose. How do journalists determine whether an event calls for a melodramatic frame or an ironic frame or some other narrative convention? Reviewing two recent studies—of news coverage of 9/11 and news coverage in the early 1990s of an accidental killing of a Japanese exchange student in New Orleans—this article argues that the character of “the events themselves” helps limit what narrative frames journalists select. 相似文献
24.
Abstract In July 1977, newly elected President Jimmy Carter suddenly found himself confronted with a difficult neutron bomb decision. With a narrow victory in Congress, pro neutron‐bomb forces had successfully presented the President with the authority to proceed with production. Unfortunately, as the months passed, Carter failed to move swiftly with production of the neutron warheads which many NATO alliance members saw as a much needed deterrent to the Warsaw PACT'S massive armor superiority. Confronted with mounting international and domestic opposition to the neutron weapon, Jimmy Carter, in the fall of 1977, insisted that the NATO allies officially support American production of the warheads before the United States would produce it. Spurred on by Carter's indecision and by certain NATO members’ reluctance to officially support the weapon, the Soviet Union shifted its propaganda machine into high gear in a massive effort to sway international opinion against the weapon. During the first few months of 1978, Western Europe saw a flood of protests against this so‐called “inhumane” weapon. Domestic communist and left‐wing socialist opposition to the neutron bomb precipitated a precarious right‐left split within many Western European socialist parties. Nowhere was this split more graphically illustrated than within the ruling West German Social Democratic Party (SPD). Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and his moderate technocrats basically favored the neutron bomb, but feared crippling left‐wing SPD opposition and possible defections if West Germany complied with American demands to break with over 30 years of U.S.‐West German nuclear precedent and agree officially to American production of a nuclear weapon, the neutron bomb. Only after much American cajoling did the allies move toward official NATO support for production. Carter had failed to understand the disastrous political implications which left‐wing opposition had created within the NATO countries and refused to let Schmidt and other leaders off the hook. And then in an amazing move, after Schmidt and the NATO allies had risked political ruin to reach an agreement to support the neutron bomb, President Carter pulled the rug from under them on April 7,1978, when he indefinitely delayed a decision on the weapon. With this decision, Carter had set a dangerous precedent by yielding to Soviet pressure and had missed an opportunity to win the favor of skeptical NATO allies and critics who asserted he was too weak and indecisive. But above all, Carter had unnecessarily alienated and angered NATO leaders like Schmidt who risked possible political ruin by supporting the neutron bomb. 相似文献
25.
Fredrik Doeser 《European Security》2013,22(3):413-431
This article asks why the Government of Poland participated in the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 when a large majority of the Polish public was opposed to national involvement in Iraq. The aim is to further an understanding of the circumstances under which democratic governments ignore public opinion in their foreign policy decision-making. The article argues that a combination of three circumstances increased the willingness of the government to ignore the public. First, the Iraq issue had relatively low salience among the Polish voters, which decreased the domestic political risks of pursuing the policy. Second, the government's Iraq policy was supported by a considerable consensus among the political elite. Third, the political elites were unified in their perceptions that participating in the invasion would yield essential international gains for Poland. 相似文献
26.
Amnon Raviv 《社会征候学》2013,23(5):599-607
The medical clown's multimodal performance in the hospital takes place within its rigid space. A clown in a hospital is a paradox. “Medical clowning” is a metaphor taken from two seemingly unrelated fields of meaning, juxtaposing what is medical, scientific, serious and logical with clowning, emotions, carnival spirit and humour. The clown addresses barriers erected by illness, pain, alienation and distress with a continuous flexible performance of humour and fantasy tailored to changing conditions and circumstances. A clown, by definition, threatens the public order and seemingly has no place in the hospital paradigm. The current article compares medical clowns to carnival clowns, examines the medical clown's flexible performance, illustrates it with case studies, presents a semiotic analysis of the clown's journey through the hospital and examines the significance of the performance on the ideological level. 相似文献
27.
Kai Jäger 《Democratization》2013,20(6):1138-1165
In 2006, Bangkok's middle-class residents overwhelmingly supported the military coup that displaced the elected government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Survey research shows that opponents of Thaksin had a stronger commitment to liberal democracy and possibly to royalist values while rural voters supported Thaksin because he fulfilled their social demands. Opposition to Thaksin was not motivated by economic interests, but rather, there is some evidence that urban middle- and upper-class voters disliked Thaksin because they heard negative reporting about him, which were less available in the countryside. These findings are compatible with a new theory of democratic consolidation, in which the upper classes have the means that would enable and encourage them to pay sufficient attention to politics to discover that what they viewed as ‘good government’ was violated by the ruling party, which could have led to demands for more democracy historically. More recently, however, in Thailand and perhaps other instances in Southeast Asia and Latin America, those with the money and leisure to follow politics closely have heard reports about the ‘bad government’ of populist, democratically elected leaders, and thus have turned against them. 相似文献
28.
我国农村医疗保障立法中的政府职能定位 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
政府介入农村社会保障领域是为克服市场机制下城乡收入分配缺陷以体现公平,降低成本以提高效率及体现农村医疗社会保障的公共性。目前我国中央政府对农村医疗保障政策的投入不足,导致不公平加剧,中央政府各职能部门对政策的执行缺乏有效支持,县乡两级地方政府对推动农村医疗保障制度建立的作用甚微。政府对农村医疗社会保障的职能是为农村医疗保障制度提供完备的法律框架;提供财政支持;合理布局卫生资源,切实减低医疗费用;加强公共卫生保健工作,完善公共卫生保健体系;建立医疗救助制度,加强卫生扶贫工作;强化政府机构的管理职能。 相似文献
29.
Donald T. Saposnek Heidi Perryman Josanna Berkow Sherrill Ellsworth 《Family Court Review》2005,43(4):566-581
This article presents a conceptual framework for describing cases involving children with special needs that are increasingly being seen in family court. Three categories that represent the most common of such cases include (1) acute, life-threatening medical conditions; (2) chronic developmental disorders; and (3) psychological and behavioral syndromes. After detailing the nature of the disabilities in each category, perspectives from the bench are offered with specific recommendations and general strategies for effective case management. This is followed by a proposal of an innovative conceptual model—the Individualized Parenting Plan (IPP)—that organizes and integrates nine domains essential for a comprehensive parenting plan for special needs children. The article concludes with a list of sixteen strategic guidelines for servicing the families of these special needs children, in their best interests. 相似文献
30.
Caterina Riba 《美中公共管理》2014,(6):548-556
This paper analyzes how Caribbean-American poet and activist Audre Lorde textualizes the experience of breast cancer in her journals. Lorde confronts the narrative of the female body provided by the biomedical approach and challenges the passive role she is expected to play as a sick person. She deplores misinformation to patients and the insistence on reconstructive surgery after a mastectomy. Lorde denounces the discursive aggression toward women that is the result of the hidden patriarchal impositions insidiously operating within medical practices. She believes medical discourse has often been used to implement many of the precepts that underlie a male-centered society, shaping the gendering of women in line with a patriarchal worldview. This paper examines how Lorde faced with such a hostile situation, managed to overcome it, by speaking up and putting her fears and her hopes into words. Her personal diaries, The Cancer Journals (1980) and A Burst of Light (1988), constitute today a fundamental point of reference and an important contribution to the feminist cause. 相似文献