Editor's note

This study applies Elisabeth Noelle‐Neumann's spiral of silence theory to the controversial issue of whether children with AIDS should be allowed to attend public school. The study tests the theory's hypotheses in light of two content analyses of the media's treatment of the issue. The findings offer tentative and qualified support for Noelle‐Neumann's theoretical propositions about the relationship between individuals' perceptions of the issue and the media's tenor of the issue; particularly that of television. The findings suggest the need to address the role of other agents of influence, including reference groups, and to use time‐based data to unravel the causal order of the relationships.     

试述医疗合同立法的完善

医疗合同关系是一种不同于一般合同的特殊的民事法律关系,文章以民法的基本理论为依据,结合我国现实情况,力求通过对医疗合同的主体、成立、内容等问题进行研究,阐明其特殊性,为解决医患纠纷寻求理论依据,以服务于建设社会主义法治国家的需要。     

对公安机关禁毒舆论引导工作的思考

舆论引导,是一种运用舆论操纵人们的意识,引导人们的意向,从而控制人们的行为,使他们按照社会管理者制定的路线、方针、规章从事社会活动的传播行为。随着时代的快速发展,公安机关必须积极深入研究各种交流手段,将禁毒相关知识以各种途径传递到不同类型公众身边,并及时回应各类舆情,以交流互动的形式解决各类公众存在的疑点,最终将公众的思想引领到健康的轨道上来,高度重视和加强禁毒舆论引导工作,增强引导舆论的本领,掌握舆论工作的主动权,第一时间抢占舆论阵地最高点,把公众的思想和行为引导到有利于社会平安和谐稳定的轨道上来。     

医患纠纷的法理解读——一个社会本位观念的视角

近些年来,我国医患纠纷的发生屡见报道,且呈现出愈演愈烈的趋势。传统的关于医患纠纷产生原因及解决方式的探索大部分局限在制度设计层面,对于医患关系中社会观念的分析并不多见。事实上,医患纠纷产生的根本原因在于中国传统社会观念与当下的法制不匹配,在这个意义上,仍然坚持从制度上寻找解决医患纠纷的方法必然不得其法,对于医患纠纷等社会矛盾的解读,当下学界的研究应逐步转移到对于社会本位观念及行为的研究上来。     

农村流动人口对城市医疗服务的使用与医疗消费分析——基于北京市丰台区农村流动人口的调查

农村流动人口群体是城乡二元社会结构中出现的一个特殊群体。进入到城市中的农村流动人口,收入成为影响其医疗消费支出的最主要因素,人口因素和社会经济因素与其对城市医疗服务使用和消费支出的相关关系都不显著,年龄和家庭的特殊结构以及广泛地缺乏社会医疗保障制度的保护是造成这种结果的主要原因。同时也反映出农村流动人口在医疗资源分配与社会权利享有上的不平等状态。     

Citizens’ Perceptions of Governance in Rural and Urban China

This article presents three main findings from a purposive stratified survey of urban and rural residents. First, Chinese citizens “disaggregate” the state with high levels of satisfaction for Central government that fall dramatically as government gets closer to the people. Satisfaction levels are noticeably lower for those in rural China. Second, attitudes about the way policy is implemented by local governments raise concerns. Irrespective of place of residence, respondents feel that when implementing policy local officials and governments are mainly concerned with their own interests, are more receptive to the views of their superiors rather than those of ordinary people, favor those with money, and are formalistic in implementing policy rather than dealing with actual problems. Third, the areas of work that citizens would really like government to concentrate on are job creation and providing basic guarantees to protect against the shocks of the transition to a market economy. Tony Saich is the Daewoo Professor of International Affairs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University and Director of the Harvard University Asia Center. His recent research focuses on the development of social policy in China, particularly on the provision of public goods by local governments. His publications include Governance and Politics of China by Palgrave and edited volumes on Financial Sector Reform in China (with Yasheng Huang and Edward Steinfeld) and AIDS and Social Policy in China (with Joan Kaufman and Arthur Kleinman both by Harvard University Asia Center. He would like to thank Edward Cunningham for his great help in preparing this article. He also wants to thank Victor Yuan (Horizon Market Research Company) for his tremendous help in designing the survey and implementing it. In addition, I would like to thank Anita Chan, Martin King Whyte and two anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments on an earlier draft.     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

Gender, citizenship and human reproduction in contemporary Italy

This article examines how the recently introduced law on assisted reproduction in Italy, which gives symbolic legal recognition to the embryo, came about, and how a referendum, which would have repealed large sections of it, failed. The occupation of the legal space by the embryo is the outcome of a crusade by a well-organised alliance of theo-conservatives. These groups see in reproductive medicine an uncontrolled interference with their notion of the natural order of things. Such a worldview requires a total ban on stem cell research, limitation of access to reproductive technologies and repressive laws to govern the area. This conservative dream scenario has come closer to being realised by the introduction of a law doing all of these things in the name of the protection of “Life”. In the case of this law, the “life” to be protected is the embryo. In the name of “Life”, scientific advances and individual liberty have been curbed. The politics of embryo citizenship is a politics which values the yet to come over the here and now, purgation over pleasure, and the transcendent over the material.     

我国医疗纠纷解决机制之重构

在未来医疗纠纷还会进一步大量增加的趋势下,重新审视我们以往解决医疗纠纷的途径是否有效及其局限所在显属必要。同时,根据医疗纠纷解决时须兼顾维系医患之间的和谐关系的特点和需求,妥善建构和选用医疗纠纷所适合的程序制度和程序法理,使我国医疗纠纷解决机制多元化、合理化。     

互联网内容及舆情深度分析模式

互联网内容及舆情核心元素主要包括热点、焦点、敏点、频点等方面,其中热点是最基本的判据。校园公共安全危机管理案例表明,青年学生对校园公共事件的敏感、担忧和思索往往首先演绎为互联网内容及舆情热点。互联网内容及舆情深度分析模式,有助于更客观地解读政治、社会和文化现象,把握网络传播规律。