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101.
个体工商户:中国市民社会的重要力量及价值   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
个体工商户作为中国社会的一个特殊经济群体,长期以来对中国经济发展做出了巨大的贡献,从个体工商户显性的经济作用到其潜在的精神气质,都可以毫不怀疑地说个体工商户是构建中国市民社会的一支重要力量。但近年,个体工商户的数量出现了下降趋势,这是经济发展的必然结果还是社会制度对这个群体照顾不周?对于个体工商户这样一个较为特殊的经济群体,法律应该如何对待?西方国家经济发展的实践证明,个体工商户或小商人并不是经济不发达的衍生品,也不是经济发达的淘汰品,中国市场经济的发展仍然需要大量的个体工商户,法律应当为个体工商户的发展创造更加宽松的制度环境。  相似文献   
102.
《中国发展》2009,9(5):18-20
2008年以来,受国际金融危机影响,浙江省中小企业和全国其他各省的企业一样出现了不同程度的困难和问题,资金短缺、产业结构失衡、要素市场趋紧、产品科技含量偏低等深层次矛盾逐渐显露。特别是资金短缺、融资困难、出口受阻、发展乏力等问题尤为突出。该文分析了国际背景下的浙江中小企业的生存状况,提出了促进中小企业健康发展建议。  相似文献   
103.
Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
104.
To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.  相似文献   
105.
死后不同时间大鼠心肌膈肌β肌动蛋白mRNA的检测   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
目的探讨死后不同时间心肌和膈肌β肌动蛋白mRNA(β-actin mRNA)的降解变化。方法大鼠断颈处死后置于21℃的温度控制系统,采用RT-PCR技术检测大鼠心肌和膈肌组织-βactin mRNA在死后即刻至12d的变化,并对电泳图像进行半定量分析。结果在死后即刻,以及保存2,4,6,8,10,12d的大鼠心肌组织样本中均可检测到β-actin mRNA,而膈肌组织仅在死后即刻和保存2,4,6d的样本中检测到-βactin mRNA;-βactin mRNA的扩增产物在死后12d内呈下降趋势。结论RT-PCR技术检测大鼠心肌和膈肌组织中的β-actin mRNA,其在死后12d内的降解呈现一定规律。  相似文献   
106.
The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.  相似文献   
107.
选取450尾健康幼建鲤,随机分成3组,每组3个重复,分别饲喂维生素B6含量为0.20、1.71和6.32 mg/kg的饵料,研究了维生素B6缺乏对幼建鲤组织器官病理学变化及消化能力和非特异性免疫能力的影响。试验结果显示,维生素B6缺乏组的幼建鲤死亡率增加,出现肝细胞溶解,肠绒毛失去正常结构,脾拟淋巴细胞减少,头肾含铁血黄素沉积,肾小管上皮细胞变性、坏死,心肌纤维间隙增宽等病理变化;肝、胰消化酶活力和非特异性免疫指标显著下降(P<0.01)。表明,维生素B6缺乏会造成水生动物组织器官不同程度的病理损伤,消化能力和非特异性免疫力降低,死亡率增加。  相似文献   
108.
The present study involves the development of forensic DNA typing tests and databases for mule deer in the Province of Alberta. Two multiplex PCR reactions interrogating 10 loci were used to analyze samples from three populations of mule deer. Additionally, an amelogenin based sex-typing marker was used to determine the gender of samples. Results show that the tests and databases are appropriate for use in forensic applications. Additionally, the results indicate that there is little population structure in mule deer in Alberta and that no changes to management of this game species are suggested.  相似文献   
109.
Current state law creates the risk that, if sex education is not provided to a child in public school, no similar instruction will be given to the child. Legislatively enacted opt‐out provisions give parents broad control over their child's education by granting them the option to have their child excused from any sex education requirements within a public school's curriculum. Through public school sex education, professionals provide youth information aimed at protecting them from the dangers of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). A stricter statutory opt‐out provision should be enacted by state legislatures that only allows parents to excuse their child from sex education after a parent attends a 90‐minute STD prevention course and receives the instructional material used in the school's sex education curriculum. Parents should be provided up‐to‐date information and a structural framework designed by the school to encourage them to discuss with their child the many sexual issues addressed within a school's sex education curriculum.  相似文献   
110.
This article examines the Counter‐Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and how this new piece of legislation undermines fundamental human rights, including those protected in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). It considers in particular how the new act criminalises behaviour with a wide sweep, to include behaviour that is not in itself criminal, but might be indicative of future criminal intent. As a result, the act restricts the right to freedom of speech and to liberty in a manner that is neither necessary nor proportionate.  相似文献   
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