论故意杀人罪中被害人与犯罪人的互动关系

互动关系是故意杀人罪被害人与犯罪人之间最基本的关系。在杀人犯罪前、犯罪中和犯罪后这三个阶段,被害人与犯罪人相互影响、相互作用,共同促成、影响甚至推动了杀人犯罪的产生和发展。在杀人犯罪行为发生和发展过程中,被害人过错这一因素是客观存在的。     

安乐死与故意杀人罪之思考

安乐死在国外已有相关立法。我国司法实践中将实施安乐死的行为人以故意杀人罪定罪处罚。但从我国刑法基本原则、犯罪的基本特征、犯罪的构成要件、患者死亡的原因等方面分析 ,实施安乐死的行为不构成故意杀人罪。我国在进行安乐死立法时 ,应明确规定安乐死的适用条件、程序及相关法律责任。     

Excessive Use of Deadly Force by Police in the Philippines Before Duterte

ABSTRACT

Under President Duterte the Philippine National Police have killed several thousand suspects in so-called legitimate encounters. While this has engendered much media attention and scientific research, earlier police violence is still a black-box in many respects. This article provides at least a partial filling of this void. It establishes several indicators for measuring lethal police violence. Moreover, it presents a detailed mapping of regional and sub-regional patterns of armed police encounters for the decade from 2006 to 2015. The spatial and temporal comparisons show that even though actual levels of deadly police violence have been quite low in several Philippine provinces and cities, the Philippine National Police almost always shot to kill suspects and not to incapacitate them. While there was significant variation over time and between sub-national units, neither the magnitude nor the levels of lethality of the violence are related to the threat levels to which the police officers were exposed.     

“激愤杀人”的概念辨析及司法认定

随着药家鑫案中辩护律师＂激情杀人＂辩护意见的提出,激愤杀人的理论引起法律界乃至社会各界人士的广泛讨论。在当前的司法实践中,对激愤杀人的成立条件和认定标准并未形成共识,因而有必要予以明确。激愤应当是冲动因素和道德因素相结合的产物,在司法认定中可以从激愤诱因的范围、激愤的关联性、刺激的强度、实施犯罪的时间要求等方面进行考量。同时鉴于统一激愤杀人的判断标准、减少和限制死刑适用的需要,激愤作为故意杀人罪的酌定处罚情节应当予以法定化。     

Military Structure,Civil Disobedience,and Military Violence

In this article, I argue that factors inherent to the structure of a military organization and their relationship with the political leadership play a role in the organization's tendency to perpetrate violence against civilians during civil disobedience campaigns. To examine this hypothesis, I conducted a three-phased statistical analysis on a database containing 97 campaigns that took place between 1972 and 2012. In the first phase, I examined the relationship between military centric factors and violent crackdowns. In the second phase, I examined the relationship between military centric factors and mass killing. In the third stage, I examined the relationship between two specific types of discrimination in the military and mass killing. I found strong evidence supporting the hypothesis mentioned above. High-risk militaries that served a militarized regime, contained loosely regulated or indoctrinated paramilitaries, and discriminated against the protesting group, were much more likely to perpetrate violence against civilians during civil disobedience campaigns than low-risk militaries. The conclusions of this study suggest that further examination of the military's role in perpetrating violence against civilians during protests and conflict may provide some novel findings.     

政府信用状况与建设思路

政府信用贯穿于政府与公众的整个互动关系之中 ,是政府履行职能、从事行政管理、提供公共服务的综合反映。当前 ,存在着种种政府信用缺失的行为误区。政府信用建设应积极做到规范信用制度、强化信用意识和自律、公开政务信息、加强内部管理、加快制度创新和职能转变。     

析未成年人的绑架罪主体问题——以《刑法》第17条第2款的解读为视角

理论上和实务中对《刑法》第17条第2款的规定存在不同理解，引起了《刑法》分则中所规定的相关犯罪在主体构成要件上的争议，未成年人实施绑架行为并杀害被绑架人的认定就是其中之一。通过对《刑法》第17条第2款规定的解读，提倡以“罪行”说来解释已满14周岁不满16周岁的人所应承担刑事责任的行为范围。已满14周岁不满16周岁的人实施绑架行为应不负刑事责任，对绑架过程中杀害被绑架人的行为应认定为故意杀人行为，负故意杀人行为的刑事责任。     

International Organizations and Government Killing: Does Naming and Shaming Save Lives?

Do international organizations affect government killing? Extant work has studied international organizations' effects on a set of human rights, but has not examined the abilities of specific actors to protect specific rights. I analyze naming and shaming by three types of international organizations (human rights nongovernmental organizations [NGOs], the news media, and the United Nations), focusing on their impacts on a single type of abuse: one-sided government killing. I present a principal-agent theory in which the government develops a preference for killing, and then delegates the murderous task to a set of individual perpetrators. The theory reveals new ways for international organizations to make killing costly, and statistical analyses support my expectations: By calling attention to abusive states, human rights NGOs and the United Nations can reduce both the likelihood and severity of state-sponsored murder. I also find that international organizations are better equipped to prevent killing from the beginning than to limit mounting body counts once it has begun.     

刍议坚持现行公安领导体制的意义

对现行“条块结合,以块为主”公安领导体制的种种责难,更多的是由于人们的观念上的一些错误认识所致,而不是制度本身的问题。现阶段,坚持现行公安领导体制有着重大的现实意义。     

“赔命价”——一种规则的民族表达方式

杀人“赔命价”是一种古老的民族习惯法,在许多民族地区都曾存在并发挥过现实的规范作用。随着民族习惯法的回潮,该现象再次引起社会的关注。但是,在当今社会里“赔命价”习惯法与现代法治的基本精神和要求形成悖论。应当在深刻认识正确理解的基础上,解决该习惯法与国家统一法制的矛盾冲突,在两者之间形成沟通与融合。