回归学术还是面向问题?——当代马克思主义伦理学的两种致思路向

回归学术与面向问题是马克思主义伦理学研究的两种致思路向,其根据在于马克思主义哲学的历史性和现实性这两种价值诉求。马克思主义伦理思想发生史、西方马克思主义伦理思想批评史和马克思主义伦理学问题史,构成了马克思主义伦理学的三种书写方式,其中前两种是朝向学术的,后一种是面向问题的。建构当代中国形态的马克思主义伦理学就是沿着回归学术和面向问题两种路径而展开,研读经典文本、领悟微言大义,旨在"返本开新",回到道德与伦理问题得以发生和演变的初始根据,感悟马克思恩格斯创立唯物史观的心路历程、领悟马克思恩格斯运用唯物史观批判资本主义和构想共产主义的原则与精神。在继承和发展马克思恩格斯伦理观的基础上,适度借鉴或吸收中外伦理思想资源,继续完善马克思主义伦理学的理论体系,在现代性场域下,研究继续深化和完善社会主义市场经济过程中的具有道德和伦理性质的理论问题和实践难题;在全球治理和国家治理实践中,探索和构建中国形态的德性论、规范论与实践论。一种日趋完善的社会主义道德和伦理体系,不仅具有中国价值,更有世界意义。     

论社会主义市场经济改革的道德探求

社会主义市场经济本应具有二维向度,即理想道德维度与现实生产力维度,但具体实践在对现实生产力维度的追求中,一定程度上忽略了对理想道德维度的考量,付出了一定的道德代价。要进一步坚持社会主义市场经济的改革方向,要求显示出它在道德上的优越性和在避免道德代价上的优越性,并从控制资本、道德市场、社会所有、核心价值、政治力量等五个方面进行探索。     

论明代思想道德教育的内容

思想道德教育是封建统治阶级巩固统治的工具,思想道德教育内容是整个思想道德教育体系的重要组成部分,关系着思想道德教育目标能否实现。明代统治阶级为了巩固自身的统治地位,构建了完整的思想道德教育内容体系:崇儒尚王的思想教育内容、明礼导民的道德教育内容和警愚绳顽的法律教育内容。     

中西方语境下的公民不服从理论研究综述——基于公民道德权利视角

起源于西方的公民不服从理论以研究政治权威与政治义务服从之间的关系为对象,至今仍是西方法学、伦理学、政治学界关注的焦点和具有争议性的议题。近年来国内学界对公民不服从理论愈加关注。公民的道德权利是证明公民不服从正当性的核心依据,对公民不服从的道德权利证明在中西方语境下体现为不同的内在逻辑。德沃金从法律与道德的关系出发论证道德原则是法律的基础;罗尔斯从契约论角度主张公民不服从是公民提出申诉的一项道德权利;国内学者则偏重于从公民作为个体的道德感培养引申出公民的道德权利,并指出公民不服从理论可以促进我国公民社会的培育、法治理念的变革。     

90后大学生道德心态调查与研究

90后大学生是在中国经济腾飞的背景下成长起来的,他们在社会人际观、恋爱婚姻观和人生价值观等方面所体现出来的道德心态与众不同。学校教育与社会教育统一,以社会主义核心道德教育体系为主,以多元文化思想观念教育为辅;重视家庭教育、思想道德教育和心理健康教育是较为有效的解决策略和方法。     

On the possibility of principled moral compromise

Simon May has argued that the notion of a principled compromise is incoherent. Reasons to compromise are always in his view strategic: though we think that the position we defend is still the right one, we compromise on this view in order to avoid the undesirable consequences that might flow from not compromising. I argue against May that there are indeed often principled reasons to compromise, and that these reasons are in fact multiple. First, compromises evince respect for persons that we have reason to think of as our epistemic peers, and acknowledgement of our own finitudes as moral reasoners. Second, compromises are often made morally necessary by the shortfalls that unavoidably separate democratic institutions from democratic ideals. Third, compromises express a desirable form of democratic community. And fourth, compromises are often justified from a consequentialist point of view, in that they allow for the realization of values that would not be realized as well by the failure to compromise.     

The Classical Trinity and Kant's Aesthetic Formalism

Abstract

I identify two mutually exclusive notions of formalism in Kant's Critique of Aesthetic Judgement: a thin concept of aesthetic formalism and a thick concept of aesthetic formalism. Arguably there is textual support for both concepts in Kant's third critique. I offer interpretations of three key elements in the Critique of Aesthetic Judgement which support a thick formalism. The three key elements are: Harmony of the Faculties, Aesthetic Ideas and Sensus Communis. I interpret these concepts in relation to the conditions for theoretical Reason, the conditions for moral motivation and the conditions for intersubjectivity, respectively. I conclude that there is no support for a thin concept of aesthetic formalism when the key elements of Kant's Critique of Aesthetic Judgement are understood in the context of his broader critical aims.     

莱布尼茨道德哲学预定和谐体系的理论阐释

莱布尼茨道德哲学奠基于预定和谐体系的形而上学理论之上,道德哲学研究必须首先阐明预定和谐体系理论。"实体表现世界"原理是理解莱布尼茨实体之间相互交通的新体系的关键所在。莱布尼茨将每一个实体与上帝建立了一个永恒的关系,而实体之间既相互独立又彼此和谐。由此,实体与实体、实体与上帝就形成了一个完全和谐一致的体系。实体之间的关系也适用于心灵与身体。莱布尼茨对他所提出的预定和谐体系的可能性进一步加以证实。     

论宗教中的“道德信仰”——以康德的“道德宗教”为例

康德的宗教理想是一种理性的道德宗教,“道德信仰”是道德宗教的基础,是以道德为基础的理性的信仰.在宗教中树立“道德信仰”,就是在对终极存在者的虔诚信仰之中突出道德的地位,强调终极存在者的道德位格,并把对道德情感、道德法则乃至道德行为本身的信仰作为宗教的核心要素之一.     

Making words count: Coalition agreements and cabinet management

The cabinet is a central actor in policy making in parliamentary systems. Yet, relatively little is known about how coalition cabinets operate. The delegation of decision‐making authority to ministers invites policy drift, which threatens the cohesiveness of the cabinet's policy programme. Cabinets employ a variety of methods to contain policy drift. The writing of coalition agreements is among the major tools, but there are others, including limiting ministerial autonomy and the use of junior ministers to shadow ministers. The present study demonstrates that coalition agreements are written to contain policy drift and that it is directly related to the degree of hierarchy in the cabinet. It studies the factors that affect the likelihood of a coalition agreement being written and how extensive they are, if written. Among these are the ideological diversity found in the cabinet, the use of alternative methods for controlling ministers and the complexity of the bargaining situation.