论公民环境权及其法律保障

公民环境权是一项新型基本人权,应该成为法律上的权利和公民实有权利。从其内容体系和性质分析,公民环境权是一种复合型权利,兼具公益性和私益性双重属性。     

环卫设施腐蚀问题的研究

针对环卫设施容易遭到垃圾及其降解产物的腐蚀问题 ,强调从设计入手重视腐蚀问题。并以北京市垃圾处理设施构筑物腐蚀为例 ,提出防腐蚀基本措施和工程实例 ,确保环卫设施的安全运行。     

‘US, China and the Economics of Climate Negotiations’

Despite the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol, the US decision not to comply with its Kyoto commitments seems to drastically undermine the effectiveness of the Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. Therefore, it is important to explore whether there are economic incentives that might help the US to modify its current decision and move to a more environmentally effective climate policy. For example, can an increased participation of developing countries induce the US to effectively participate in the effort to reduce GHG emissions? Is a single emission trading market the appropriate policy framework to increase the signatories of the Kyoto Protocol? This paper addresses the above questions by analysing whether the participation of China in the cooperative effort to control GHG emissions can provide adequate incentives for the US to re-join the Kyoto process and eventually ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This paper analyses three different climate regimes in which China could be involved and assesses the economic incentives for the major world countries and regions to participate in these three regimes. The main conclusion is that the participation of the US in a climate regime is not likely, at least in the short run. The US is more likely to adopt unilateral policies than to join the present Kyoto coalition (even when it includes China). However, a two bloc regime would become the most preferred option if both China and the US, for some political or environmental reasons, decide to cooperate on GHG emission control. If the US decides to cooperate, the climate regime that provides the highest economic incentives to the cooperating countries is the one in which China and the US cooperate bilaterally, with the Annex B_?US countries remaining within the Kyoto framework.     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:
Robert Barros, Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta and the 1980 Constitution
Barry Ames, The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil
Christina Biebesheimer and Francisco Mejia (eds), Justice beyond our borders: judicial reforms for Latin America and the Caribbean
Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number
Rafael Hernández and John H. Coatsworth, Culturas Encontradas: Cuba y los Estados Unidos
Terence N. D'Altroy, The Incas
Anibal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Efrain Kristal, Invisible Work: Borges and Translation
Beatriz Sarlo, Scenes from Postmodern Life     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

环境损害赔偿立法框架和内容的思考

环境损害赔偿立法的必要性由现实社会关系调整的必要性和现行相关立法的不适应性所决定。我国环境损害赔偿立法宜采取实体和程序一体、行政处理与司法处理一体的立法模式,并着重规定环境纠纷处理和环境损害赔偿方面所涉及的一些特殊问题。立法框架和内容主要包括环境损害赔偿的适用条件、环境损害赔偿的范围、环境损害赔偿责任的认定、环境损害赔偿纠纷的行政处理、环境损害赔偿的司法处理等部分。环境损害赔偿立法的难点在于环境行政主管机关处理决定的法律效力问题以及因果关系推定的准确表述问题。     

环境责任保险制度的国际实践与借鉴

借鉴国外先进的立法经验,建立以强制责任保险为主,任意责任保险为辅,限额赔偿和受害者全部索赔相结合的环境责任保险基本制度。同时,采取扩大环境责任保险范围、制定科学合理的保险费率、以联保集团作为承保机构以及放宽保险的索赔时效期间等措施来健全环境责任保险的具体制度。     

中国上市公司环境信息披露理论的构建

上市公司环境信息披露是对上市公司环境活动在财务报告中所反映的环境经济信息和环境管理信息,按环境信息披露规定的要求,运用特定的披露方法,采用一定的披露方式,向外在环境信息使用者表达环境资源利用和管理受托责任情况的一种声明.审计师通过对上市公司财务报告的审查,对被审单位环境会计核算信息系统披露的环境信息的合法性、公允性和一贯性,以及环境管理控制信息系统披露的环境信息的合法性、真实性作出评价和鉴证意见,以确认或解除上市公司受托管理和利用环境资源的环境经济责任和环境管理责任.     

公民环境权的生成与合理定位

公民环境权的合理定位与配置,对于保障环境法秩序的实现有着重要意义。本文试从公民环境权的生成问题入手,否定了公民环境权为环境行政权的“衍生形态”或“反射性利益”的错误认识,提出公民环境权作为一种人生而应有的权利,其法定化将对公民的“偏好”及环境行政权的合理化有重大作用。由此提出公民环境权并非“环境权私权化”的产物,而是天然地归属于一种社会性权利,这是由环境的物品属性决定的,同时也将对其权利的保护与救济产生重大影响。     

新型环境伦理观对完善我国环境立法的影响

在市场经济条件下,经济利益与生态建设的矛盾已经日益呈现。本文拟通过对新型环境伦理观的介绍,并在分析我国现行环境立法基本状况的基础上,寻求这种伦理观与生态环境立法之间的关系,从而对完善环境立法体系,保护生态环境有所裨益。