Zwischen Kultur und Kalkül? Vertrauen und Sozialkapital im Kontext der neoinstitutionalistischen Wende

Trust and social capital work in social networks as informal institutions, favouring cooperation between the participants of such social interaction. However, the increasing use of both terms has been accompanied by vanishing conceptual and theoretical precision. In order to counterbalance this development this article tries to clarify some of the major puzzles connected with both terms. First, we embed trust and social capital within the institutionalist turn in political science. Second however, we demonstrate that trust and social capital have been modelled from at least two perspectives: sociological institutionalism and economic institutionalism. Furthermore, attempts of combining those approaches have lead to decreasing theoretical consistency. Finally, we propose that economic institutionalism is theoretically and empirically more fruitful to explain the creation and destruction of social capital.     

论权利主体

权利主体可以归结为两种基本形态--作为权利主体的自我(公民)和作为权利主体的大我(法人).个人只有取得公民的资格,拥有权利能力和行为能力,并拥有权利能力的指向物时,才能成为权利主体.大我是公意的人格化或人格体.在法人行使权利时,支配的自然过程与支配的社会过程必然发生分离.权利主体之间最基本的原则是:所有权的神圣不可侵犯、契约自由和权利主体在法律面前的平等.     

坚持与时俱进推动工运创新

工会工作坚持与时俱进,是适应新形势、实现新任务、探索新模式以及党对工会工作的新要求.工会工作坚持与时俱进,是把握工运规律的客观要求,必须正确认识和处理好几个关系.工会工作坚持与时俱进,必须在思维方式、工会理论、工作内容、工作制度、工会干部知识结构等方面坚持创新.     

以证明对象为视角谈刑事证明标准

证明标准是我国刑事证据理论研究中的热点问题。证明对象与证明标准不仅一同决定了刑事诉讼活动发展的方向和目标,而且二者的关系也十分密切。证明对象不同,证明标准也会有所差别。以证明对象为视角,针对不同层次的证明对象,设立不同层次的证明标准,意义重大。     

发展权:社会主义初级阶段男女平等的突破口--从第二期上海妇女社会地位调查谈起

以自然分工为基础的男尊女卑的社会性别关系,从诞生之日起就是对妇女发展权的赤裸裸的剥夺,参加社会生产是妇女回归社会、获得发展权的开端,在国家的发展政策中纳入性别观点,使妇女和男性一样平等地参与、促进并享受社会发展是实现发展权、进而实现男女平等的重要环节。目前恰恰就在就业、参政和继续教育等和发展权维护有关的问题上,上海妇女发展遭遇前所未有的挑战。促进、维护和实现妇女发展权,不仅能大幅度提升妇女社会参与的能力与实力,也能大大加快社会民主法制的进程及经济、文化的发展。     

Does Federalism Matter for Biopolicies? Switzerland in Comparative Perspective

This article analyses how federalism matters for the policy‐designing process and the resulting policies in the field of Assisted Reproductive Technology through the comparison of four countries, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium and Canada. It reconstructs from an actor‐centred perspective how federalism interacts with other country and policy‐field specific characteristics and empirically assesses how this interaction influenced the final policies. By focusing on Assisted Reproductive Technology, the article examines the potential influence of federalism on public policies beyond the standard discussion of the comparative political economy of federalism.     

全面建设小康社会与我国现代化的实现

本文分析了全面建设小康社会是我国基本实现现代化的重大战略举措 ,指出了全面建设小康社会所面临的一系列问题 ,诸如三农问题、区域经济差距等 ,并针对这些问题提出了相应的对策及建议。     

公安院校散手教学中腿法的应用

通过调查研究发现 ,正踹腿、侧踹腿和鞭腿是散手运动中最实用的腿法。分析各种腿法的运用时机 ,掌握好时间、距离和空间差 ,是正确运用腿法的先决条件。公安院校的散手教学强调多种技击方法的结合 ,以提高散手运动的实战能力。     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications