探究民法中债权人撤销权的行使范围问题

作为债的担保之一的撤销权制度,其中的重要内在涵义即通过撤销债务人的不当的积极行为,恢复债务人的责任财产,以担保全体一般债权人的债权。但由于现实中对其的把握不当,或虽然深解其意,但无法克服实际操作中的众多技术上的瓶颈。导致了撤销权于司法审判中被适用的程度和频率都要远远小于同为债的担保之一的代位权制度。而在众多问题中,撤销权的行使范围争议最大,其究竟是行使撤销权的债权人享有的债权额,还是全体债权人的债权额,亦或是债务人不法处分的财产额。本文将通过对撤销权内在涵义的分析．权衡以上三种标准的利弊,进而提出立法建议。     

农村宅基地使用权流转再探——兼谈小产权房合法化问题

小产权房合法化问题的核心是农村宅基地使用权流转的限制问题。我国现行法律实际上并没有禁止农村宅基地使用权的转让。从理论角度和现状考察分析,农民对其拥有的宅基地使用权都应该有权自由流转,因此小产权房合法化有其合理依据。我国应完善相关立法并逐步放开宅基地使用权流转限制,还农民的主人地位,使农民真正拥有宅基地房屋的支配权。     

Level Two Negotiations: Helping the Other Side Meet Its “Behind‐the‐Table” Challenges

A long analytic tradition has explored the challenge of productively synchronizing “internal” with “external” negotiations, with a special focus on how each side can best manage internal opposition to agreements negotiated “at the table.” Implicit in much of this work has been the view that each side's leadership is best positioned to manage its own internal conflicts, often by pressing for deal terms that will overcome internal objections and by effectively “selling” the agreement to key constituencies. Far less frequently have analysts considered how each side can help the other side with its “behind‐the‐table” barriers to successful agreement. Following Robert Putnam's two‐level games schema, I characterize such “behind‐the‐table” or “Level Two” barriers more broadly, offer several innovative examples of how each side can help the other overcome them, and develop more general advice on doing so most effectively. As a fuller illustration of a Level Two negotiator helping the other side with its formidable behind‐the‐table challenges, I pay special attention to the end‐of‐Cold‐War negotiations over German reunification in which former American Secretary of State James Baker played a key role.     

公务员新法与旧例之比较

在对《国家公务员暂行条例(》以下称“条例)”和《中华人民共和国公务员法(》以下称“公务员法)”进行对比分析的基础上,总结了新法与旧例的差别并提炼了公务员法“新”之所在,比如:新法明确了公务员的范围,实行公务员分类制度,实行聘任制等。     

Marketing good works: new trends in how interest groups recruit supporters

Charities or interest groups need to attract supporters, who offer both financial support and participation, to achieve their overall goal of influencing public affairs. They can use political marketing to help them attract and retain such supporters. Existing literature indicates they use marketing techniques such as direct mail to communicate to potential new supporters, but new research has discovered that the influence of political marketing is much more comprehensive. The most effective groups are now using political marketing to design the package they offer to supporters. They go through a four‐stage process. First, they conduct market intelligence to understand what supporters want from the organisation and second, they design their product accordingly. Third, they communicate this to potential supporters and then finally deliver campaign progress and they communicate this to existing supporters. They use marketing concepts: they adopt a market orientation and build an organisation designed to take account of its users' needs and wants. Although such charities are often associated with non‐business behaviour, the most successful groups are adopting the concepts and techniques of comprehensive political marketing as the means to increase their influence on government and public affairs. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

Analyser les réformes institutionnelles sur le terrain: l'exemple de la réforme de l'armée suisse «Armée XXI»

L'étude des réformes de l'administration et des institutions publiques suisses a considérablement délaissé la problématique des conséquences des changements sur le terrain et surtout n'a pas analysé le vécu des acteurs administratifs de base. Notre étude vise, au niveau analytique, à rendre compte du vécu des réformes à l'échelon des «petits fonctionnaires»; sur un plan méthodologique, une enquête de nature ethnographique est introduite pour étudier ce questionnement. Notre enquête sur la réforme de l'armée suisse «Armée XXI» sert d'illustration. Si notre démarche permet de parvenir à des résultats intéressants sur les conséquences et le vécu de cette réforme, elle comporte également des enjeux empiriques spécifiques articulés autour de la question centrale de la relation du chercheur à son terrain. Au final, une microsociologie ethnographique du vécu des réformes par les acteurs de base nous semble susceptible de contribuer à un enrichissement de la recherche sur les transformations récentes des institutions publiques en Suisse.     

Coming to Terms with Separatist Insurgencies

Although insurgencies may begin their rebellions with expressed desires for outcomes unacceptable to opposing governments, the desired insurgent outcomes sometimes undergo modification, creating conditions that can make governments more amenable to external mediation. In certain separatist conflicts, the likelihood of external mediation increases when the political redefinition of the state insisted upon by the insurgents undergoes a revision, from secession to self‐determination, understood as a variant of autonomy. In the same vein, although it may not happen concurrently, insurgent movements become more amenable to external mediation if and when opposing governments revise the preferred conflict outcome from a military defeat of the insurgents to a containment of the movement. These two developments can serve as objective referents helping external parties to identify a ripe moment in the conflict and initiate mediation. But the implementation of an agreement ending separatist conflict may not occur if the government fails to submit the proposed territorial bounds of autonomy to prior review by constituents. Potential spoilers among government constituents should be identified and recruited to participate in the negotiations so that the likelihood of agreement rejection is reduced. In some states, however, the legal mechanisms and political opportunities for constituents to act as spoilers do not exist.     

槲皮素对己烯雌酚诱导的仓鼠生精细胞氧化损伤的保护作用

为研究槲皮素(Que)对己烯雌酚(DES)诱导的体外培养仓鼠睾丸生精细胞氧化损伤的保护作用,将生精细胞分别用DES和不同浓度(10、20、30μmol/L)的槲皮素处理,用倒置显微镜观察生精细胞的生长状况,用MTT法测定生精细胞的存活率,用分光光度法检测细胞培养液中超氧化物歧化酶(SOD)、细胞中谷胱甘肽过氧化物酶(GSH-Px)的含量。结果显示,Que显著抑制了DES引起的生精细胞损伤,除低剂量组差异不显著外,中、高剂量组细胞存活率显著上升(P0.01);Que显著提高了培养液中SOD的活性和细胞中GSH-Px的含量(P0.01)。说明槲皮素可有效对抗自由基,抑制脂质过氧化,减弱DES导致的生精细胞损伤,提示Que是缓解环境雌激素生殖毒性的有效成分之一。     

Understanding Political Knowledge and its Influence on Voting Preferences in the 2007 Federal Election

In this article we propose a model to explain how voters’ perceptions of their ideological proximity to a party affect their propensity to vote for that party. We argue that political knowledge plays a crucial moderating role in the relationship between party proximity and voting propensity. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between institutional knowledge (information about the political system) and party knowledge (information about the parties’ left–right positions). An analysis of survey data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections supports our main hypothesis that party knowledge enhances the link between party proximity and voting propensity. Institutional knowledge may have additional influence, but clear evidence for this effect was obtained only for propensities to vote for the Swiss People's Party (SVP). Overall, the impact of political knowledge was found to be substantial, even after controlling for the outstanding influence of party identification and other predictors of voting propensities.     

Horizontalföderalismus und Schweizer Demokratie

Der Beitrag analysiert den zunehmenden Horizontalföderalismus im politischen Mehrebenensystem der Schweiz und fragt nach den Gefahren und Chancen für die Weiterentwicklung der Schweizer Demokratie. Die Evaluierung erfolgt auf der Basis der komplexen Demokratietheorie von Fritz Scharpf, ergänzt um die konstitutiven Perspektiven einer reflexiven Demokratietheorie. Insgesamt wird deutlich, dass der Horizontalföderalismus vor allem aus einer liberalen Position innerhalb einer Output‐ orientierten Demokratietheorie als problematisch angesehen werden muss, da die kantonale Exekutive gegenüber der Legislative gestärkt wird. Der Aufsatz betont aber die Chancen für die schweizerische Demokratie, da der Horizontalföderalismus grosse Ähnlichkeiten mit den Entscheidungsfindungsprozessen auf internationaler Ebene besitzt. Er liefert damit der Schweiz ein Übungsfeld, um ihr traditionell sehr introvertiertes Verständnis von demokratischer Selbstbestimmung zu überwinden und anzuerkennen, dass in einer interdependenten und mobilen Welt die “Einbeziehung des (externen) Anderen” ein Bestandteil einer legitimen demokratischen Ordnung darstellt.