国家权利·国家被害·国家护卫需求

国家权利是国家就维持其存在和履行职能所应有利益而享有的一种支配自由。国家也会受到犯罪的侵害 ,国家被害的客体是国家权利。国家权利也有防御犯罪和利益补救的护卫需求。     

中国引渡立法的若干理论问题

引渡法不是基本法。引渡法具有部门法的性质 ,是由一系列针对引渡事项的程序规则组成的法律 ,属于特殊程序法 ,又是解决国际刑事司法协助问题的专门法。引渡的性质是国家之间进行合作的一种形式 ,是国家实现司法主权的体现 ,仍然属于刑事法律范畴的事务。在我国引渡法中运用政治犯罪不引渡原则。引渡法中的裁定权主要有两类 :即行政裁定权和司法裁定权。我国采用行政审查和司法审查模式是可行的方案。在引渡法中引入人权保障的观念是现代引渡法发展的一个重要方面     

论我国农业环境资源保护立法的健全与完善

我国农业环境保护立法留下了计划经济体制的深刻烙印 ,健全和完善立法不仅必要 ,而且十分迫切。农业环境保护法应当确立正确的农业环境资源保护的基本法律原则 ,完善农业环境资源保护的基本法律制度和措施 ,完善农业环境资源保护法律法规体系。     

对宗教"五性"的再认识

宗教“五性”是马克思主义宗教观与我国社会宗教实际相结合的产物 ,是马克思主义宗教理论在新的历史条件下的坚持和发展 ,是完善和正确执行党的宗教政策的基本点。我国正处于社会转型时期 ,对宗教“五性”的再认识 ,是我们进一步深化对国情的再认识。     

Bush: The Sequel

This article examines the likely foreign policy initiatives of the U.S. under the leadership of George W. Bush. The new president has outlined a fairly thorough critique of America's international behavior in the 1990s. Because a leader's public statements arguably serve to persuade various audiences and to build support for policy change, the article takes Bush's words quite seriously—along with those spoken or written by his closest foreign affairs advisors. Bush intends to abandon the so-called Clinton Doctrine and deploy national missile defenses. He is critical of American policies toward China and Russia, but has not presented bold new initiatives toward those powers. Under the rubric of "compassionate conservatism," Bush may alter U.S. relations toward the Global South in some interesting ways. The president and his advisors often purport to be realists, but the article demonstrates that their own words belie this claim as they often justify policies based on ideals rather than the pursuit of power.     

对我国未成年犯矫正制度若干问题的思考

我国未成年人犯罪现象越来越严重,对未成年犯的教育改造也面临着严峻的挑战,我国未成 年犯矫正制度的不完善是导致这一现象产生的重要原因。立法者应借鉴外国对未成年罪犯进 行矫正的一些有益经验,促进我国未成年犯矫正制度的不断完善。     

论现代立法程序的基本属性

现代立法程序作为制度文明有四大基本属性,即民主性、公开性、交涉性和自律性.民主性体现在巩固多数权力和保障少数权利两方面;公开性是公民行使知情权的必然要求;交涉性是立法程序中一个利益表达、利益冲突、利益协调、利益整合的交涉过程;自律性是立法程序的德道基石.四大基本属性是衡量立法程序作为制度文明的重要标识.     

一个民族没有自尊心和自信心是立不起来的——学习邓小平关于提高民族自尊心和自信心思想的体会

提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.