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1.
The implementation of a dispersal policy in Britain has broughtasylum seekers to regions of the country which previously hadlittle experience of providing services for this group. Around10,000 asylum seekers have been resettled in the city of Glasgowsince 2000 as a result of the policy. Multi-agency networkshave been established in Glasgow as a medium for facilitatingco-operation across the voluntary and statutory sectors forthe provision of locally-based support services, while alsofacilitating community development. This paper explores theexperiences of these networks since their inception. While highlightingthe continuing importance of the voluntary sector in supportingasylum seekers and refugees, it raises concerns over the reactiveway in which services have been provided, where responsibilityhas fallen on voluntary and community organizations to fillgaps in statutory service provision. It further examines theimplications for social cohesion of housing-led resettlement,which has largely been in areas suffering from social deprivation.The findings highlight the frustrations of service providersworking within a disjointed policy framework, characterizedby contradictions between Scottish and UK policy goals. 相似文献
2.
John F. Mahon Pursey P. M. A. R. Heugens Kai Lamertz 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2004,4(2):170-189
To date, the field of non‐market strategy has little to offer in the way of an integrated perspective on the simultaneous management of strategic issues and corporate stakeholders. This paper employs social network analysis to make a number of theoretically grounded conjectures about the delicate relationships between stakeholder behaviour and issue evolution. It is found that social network analysis has the potential to enrich and integrate theoretical perspectives in the field of non‐market strategy, offering solutions to a set of previously unresolved puzzles. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
3.
社会支持网是正式的社会保障体系的一种补充。在工业化、城市化的浪潮中,大量青壮年农民进城务工,传统的"男耕女织"演变为"男工女耕",农村留守妇女成为新农村建设的主力军,不得不重构自己的社会支持网。然而,目前国内很少有关于农村留守妇女的个体社会支持网构成的实证研究。本文通过对16个省份2414名留守妇女的抽样问卷调查资料系统考察留守妇女的社会支持网的构成。调查发现:丈夫仍然是"缺席"的户主,构成留守妇女情感支持网、财务支持网的重心;"娘家人"在留守妇女社会支持网中的重要性超过了"公婆",尤其在情感支持和财务支持方面;邻居、朋友都是留守妇女日常交往的主要对象,邻居还对留守妇女的生产活动提供帮扶,而朋友则是留守妇女情感倾诉的主要对象之一。亲属倾向于情感支持、财务支持,而非亲属倾向于交往支持。 相似文献
4.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):615-628
Criminal-states and Criminal-soldiers are two interrelated threats that challenge order and stability at local, national, and potentially global levels. Policing and law enforcement are essential to securing the conditions necessary for stable governance and preserving the rule of law. Law enforcement and police services play key roles in ensuring community stability. They also control and contain criminal threats, protect individual liberties, and enable other political and diplomatic processes to function. This afterward examines the role of police and enforcement agencies in countering the threats posed by criminal-soldiers in order to prevent the establishment or spread of criminal-states. 相似文献
5.
Alison W. Craig 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2021,46(1):11-48
Members of Congress frequently collaborate on policy initiatives, reaching out to colleagues in both parties to find common ground on solutions for the problems faced by their constituents. Using a novel dataset of over 30,000 “Dear Colleague” letters sent by members of the 111th Congress, I use the collaborative relationships that exist in the earliest stages of the policy process to measure the social influence of legislators. I demonstrate that districts represented by members of Congress who are better connected to their colleagues receive a greater share of federal grant money. I argue that this is because collaborative legislators are well‐positioned to be influential allies to strategic bureaucrats who want to maintain a broad base of support for their programs in Congress. Thus, devoting resources to building relationships with their colleagues is one way members of Congress can more effectively support the communities they represent. 相似文献
6.
Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time
Ceren Ark-Yıldırım 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):473-490
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. 相似文献
7.
ABSTRACTThe main objective of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the use of social networks towards recruiting human resources for organizations. Through an in-depth review of the relevant literature, a questionnaire was designed and distributed among the sample and collected data were analyzed using PLS-Software. Results revealed that 50?75% of organizations use social networks in their organizations and all the identified effective factors in the use of social networks for human resources recruitment were confirmed, except for “hope for performance”. “Facilitating conditions” have the highest impact on the usage of social networks in recruiting, “Social influence” identified as one of the most important factors in people’s behavioral intention for the usage of social networks in recruitment and “Effort expectancy” had the least impact on behavioral intention. In addition, Gender and the level of education have no impact on the behavioral intention and the behavior of usage of social networking. 相似文献
8.
Robert A. Lonardo Peggy C. Giordano Monica A. Longmore Wendy D. Manning 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(3):367-383
Adolescent networks include parents, friends, and romantic partners, but research on the social learning mechanisms related
to delinquency has not typically examined the characteristics of all three domains simultaneously. Analyses draw on data from
the Toledo Adolescent Relationships Study (n = 957), and our analytic sample contains 51% male and 49% female as well as 69% white, 24% African-American, and 7% Latino
respondents. Parents,’ peers,’ and partners’ deviance are each related to respondents’ delinquency, and affiliation with a
greater number of deviant networks is associated with higher self-reported involvement. Analyses that consider enmeshment
type indicate that those with both above average romantic partner and friend delinquency report especially high levels of
self-reported involvement. In all comparisons, adolescents with deviant romantic partners are more delinquent than those youths
with more prosocial partners, regardless of friends’ and parents’ behavior. Findings highlight the importance of capturing
the adolescent’s entire network of affiliations, rather than viewing these in isolation, and suggest the need for additional
research on romantic partner influences on delinquent behavior and other adolescent outcomes.
相似文献
Robert A. LonardoEmail: |
9.
Little attention has been paid to the role of peer social capital in the school context, especially as a predictor of adolescents’
academic outcomes. This study uses a nationally representative (N = 13,738, female = 51%), longitudinal sample and multilevel models to examine how peer networks impact educational achievement
and attainment. Results reveal that, in addition to those factors typically associated with academic outcomes (e.g., school
composition), two individual-level peer network measures, SES and heterogeneity, had significant effects. Although educational
attainment was generally worse in low SES schools, for all ethnic groups higher attainment was associated with attending schools
with higher concentrations of minority students. At the individual level, however, membership in integrated peer networks
was negatively related to high school graduation for Asians, Latinos, and non-Hispanic whites, and to GPA for Asians and Latinos,
as only African-American achievement increased in more racially/ethnically heterogeneous peer networks. Our results suggest
that co-ethnic and co-racial peer friendship networks should not be viewed as obstacles to the educational accomplishments
of today’s youth. In fact, in many cases the opposite was true, as results generally support the ethnic social capital hypothesis
while providing little corroboration for oppositional culture theory. Results also suggest that co-racial and co-ethnic ties
may mediate the negative effects of school choice, or more specifically of between-school socioeconomic segregation. Consequently,
we conclude that school policies aimed at socioeconomic desegregation are likely to beneficially affect the academic outcomes
of all race/ethnic groups.
相似文献
Igor RyabovEmail: |
10.