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241.
从权利救济宪法保障论公益诉讼制度   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在各国宪法上,都会规定权利救济基本权的保障,其作用是在于给予人民排除不法侵害权益,并维护享有完整实体权利的机会,借以实现有权利即有救济的宪法保障原则。就行政诉讼而言,原则上虽须主张其诉讼和其个人权利有关,人民或团体才可享有诉权,但是,立法者另外得以法律明文规定,准许人民或团体为维护公益,对无关自己权益的事项提起行政诉讼,此时人民或团体也可享有诉权。在此,我们看到宪法上保障的权利救济基本权,除了作为主观权利的功能建构外,仍然存在作为客观法的建构可能性。也就是说,公益诉讼是立法者为了落实权利救济基本权的宪法保障,所设计的一种客观的制度性保障,而可以作为权利救济基本权在客观法上的功能建构。因此,本论文即从自我实现作为基本权的本质出发,尝试探讨基本权作为主观权利与客观法的法特征及其功能,建构公益诉讼作为权利救济的制度性保障,并借助德国行政诉讼上的团体诉讼制度,以分析公益诉讼在制度设计上的根本困境。  相似文献   
242.
The declining salience of the nation state has led to an interest in whether other socially constructed forms, such as the city, have replaced it as a source of accumulation, belief and identity. This article seeks to explore whether this is true in the case of the capital of one of Africa's least successful states, Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A survey explored the views towards the city of Kinshasa on the past of a variety of middle-class professional people as potential leaders in different occupations resident in different quarters of the city with roots in different parts of the DRC. Despite their somewhat abject material condition and despite extensive contacts internationally, the old dream of the nation state remains relatively strong among them while feelings towards the city largely reflect its situation in that dream rather than any new kind of loyalty. Members this class have extensive national networks of professional contact that help define their identity. New kinds of urban identity with cultural or political meaning beyond this could not be discerned contrary to the perspective held out initially.  相似文献   
243.
244.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):61-82
ABSTRACT

Bradbury and Williams begin by examining aspects of the genealogy of incidents of fan racism at the Spain v. England international football match in Madrid on 17 November 2004, and the public outcry in Britain that followed. They raise questions about the possible ‘strategic mobilization’ by Spanish fans of apparently racist epithets as a response to the use, by the English football authorities before the match, of prominent anti-racism symbolism. The main body of the article then considers the British public response to Madrid within the context of the Blairite New Labour policy on football racism in England from the late 1990s. It argues that Labour's Football Task Force from 1997 constituted an entirely new direction for sport and government policy in Britain. However, by drawing on the comments of some of the key figures involved, Bradbury and Williams further contend that, both structurally and ideologically, the Task Force was preset to limit its own investigations on the nature and effects of racism, specifically in the English game. Although the Task Force's report, Eliminating Racism in Football, has had some positive effects—for example, on Football Association policy or in stimulating local anti-racist initiatives—its narrow focus and its relatively underdeveloped understanding of the racism problem in professional sport led its members to de-emphasize the significance of forms of institutionalized racism within English football. Research and commentaries on racism in the English game since that report was published in 1998 suggest that problems of racialized exclusion in football remain. Bradbury and Williams conclude that the public outrage in Britain about the incidents in Madrid reflect an over-concentration on silencing public expressions of racism—combating overt, collective fan outbreaks—at the expense of addressing the racialized structures of power that continue to shape access, opportunities and acceptance of ethnic minorities within professional football in England.  相似文献   
245.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):253-278
Sport has historically been an important element of South African popular culture, even though it was divided along racial lines for much of the country's history. In post-apartheid South Africa, sport is seen by politicians, sports officials and many ordinary people as a means to surmount race and class barriers and to forge nationhood. But sport remains a site of acute contestation over what transformation means: ‘merit’ versus ‘affirmative action’, beneficiaries of change, pace of transformation and so on. This conflict reflects the broader tensions over how South African society should be restructured. Change in racial composition at the level of leadership, coaching and players since 1990 has failed to transform cricket into a ‘people's game’. The cricket establishment is following the lead of government in prioritizing the empowerment of a minority. Class privilege has replaced race privilege. At the same time, tensions generated by change are producing further hostility along the fault lines of race and class. There is, for example, a conflict over resources among those previously labelled ‘Black’: Indians, Coloureds and the majority African population. These struggles reveal the fragmented nature of post-apartheid South African society, notwithstanding attempts to define South Africa as a ‘rainbow nation’. The historical, social, economic and cultural legacy of South Africa's conflicting pasts, the impact of globalization—and sport is a principal front of globalization, generating vast economic revenue and creating intolerable pressure to succeed—as well as post-apartheid discrepancies in economic and social conditions are all making it difficult to forge a united national culture, despite the attempt to use sport for the ‘mythic enactment’ of a collective South African identity. The tensions discussed in this article continue to be alive though the ‘patterns of prejudice’ are manifesting themselves in different forms.  相似文献   
246.
加大对弱势群体的帮扶力度,让他们共享经济社会发展成果,是建设和谐社会的重要方面。基于对中山市低收入中青年妇女生活状况的调查,全面了解掌握其生活现状、遇到的困难及其需求,进而有针对性地加强对其帮扶力度,尤其是注重从源头上帮扶,重点解决其技能、就业问题,加强“健康扶贫”,是提升低收入中青年妇女生活质量的关键所在。  相似文献   
247.
王莹 《法学研究》2012,(3):126-145
在我国刑法定性加定量犯罪定义模式下,如何对刑法分则中的情节和数额要求即所谓定量因素进行教义学解释,明确其在犯罪论中的体系性地位,继而确定其与行为人主观方面的关系,是当代中国刑法学上难解的"理论之结"。通过剖析构成要件的不法类型本质与诠释学特征以及我国学界关于构成要件质与量关系的见解,可以看到被司法解释补充与修改的我国犯罪构成所具有的特性它不仅是德日刑法理论意义上的为行为不法与结果不法划定预设空间的不法类型,也是一个包含了基本构成要件、加重结果、客观处罚条件以及其他刑事政策因素的"类构成要件复合体"。由基本构成要件的行为不法和结果不法组成的"构成要件基本不法量域",为界定我国刑法中情节和数额要求的犯罪论体系性地位提供了重要的方法论工具。  相似文献   
248.
随着城市建设的蓬勃发展,农民工群体的组成结构也在悄悄地发生着变化,第一代农民工日渐淡出社会舞台,新生代农民工正崛然兴起。农民工的代际更替与社会转型的"共时展开",极大地增添了城市政治问题的复杂性。新生代农工争取生存权和发展权的抗争活动在受到当前城市政治制约的同时,在很大程度上将重新塑造城市的政治生态。本文尝试从阶级理论和抗争政治的角度,在分析新生代农民工群体特征和政治倾向的基础上分析了新生代农民工有否可能成为"城市新阶级",并进一步探讨了在"非阶级"状况下未来城市中新生代农民工的抗争形态及其分流机制。  相似文献   
249.
马克思和恩格斯是社会分层理论的重要奠基人,列宁在社会主义革命和建设实践基础上推动了马克思主义阶级和阶层理论的发展,毛泽东把马克思主义的阶级理论与中国革命和建设的实际相结合,对中国社会阶级结构及其变化进行了正确的分析。在建设中国特色社会主义事业的新时期,中国共产党结合当代中国阶层变化的客观实际发展了马克思主义阶层理论。  相似文献   
250.
社会稳定是社会各阶层成员的共同希望,也是国家发展的基石。中产阶层的形成是历史的必然,是社会分层的产物。是政治稳定的保证。作为一个特殊的阶层,中产阶层对公共治安有着独特的需求,同时也对国家公共治安政策产生一定的影响。基于此,政府也需要做出相对的回应:通过制度化建设来回应;通过政府的治安政策制度来回应;通过政府的体系创新设计来回应,以满足中产阶层的诉求,更好地维护社会的稳定和谐。  相似文献   
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