走向谈判的工会:党巩固阶级基础的政治架构

在社会主义条件下,工会作为无产阶级执政党联结工人阶级的纽带,是党实现执政使命的重要组织资源。然而,在市场经济条件下,受传统体制的制度约束,工会组织亟待摆脱“制度性弱势”,完成党巩固阶级基础的“传动装置”的再启动。因此,需要在党的推动下实现工会制度创新,不断完善工会维权机制,提高工会组织的代表能力,赢得职工群众的信任,这有利于增强党在代表最广大人民根本利益层面的政治合法性。     

Sensory speculations:Visual discourse and the vision of visuality

It is now commonplace within the discipline of art history and visual culture to speak to theories of vision and visuality. Recent questions concerning the subject of vision, sexed positionalities and discourses of viewing are indebted to theories of visuality, which now occupy a privileged place within the study of visual culture. Theories of visuality have revealed both the terms of cultural visibilities and significantly the how of what we see. And yet despite this engagement of the opacity and duplicity of the visual, recent work into visuality has been plagued by a re‐occurring myopia regarding the corporeal This oversight within the visibilites of visual discourse is the unchallenged idea of a ‘human vision’ within the social constructivist project. In this article I assess how this universal operates as the matter for theories of visuality and of the ramifications of this for the project of the critique of vision.     

如何提高医学留学生临床课程课堂教学质量的思路探讨

招收外国留学生是学校扩大国际影响、提高办学质量和多元化、多层次办学的一个重大举措之一。近年来国内医学高校相继开始招收留学生,但国内现有的医学教学模式并不能完全满足现代留学生医学教育的要求。要提高留学生的课堂教学质量,首先要了解他们的需求、知识背景及学习特点;其次是选用先进教材,再次是尝试更有效的课堂教学模式。     

技术标准的规范适用初探

技术标准是一种具有特殊逻辑结构的法律形式,在静态上具有法律渊源的性质和效力.形式法渊与实质效力统一的技术标准只解决了技术标准规范的效力基础问题,是应然层面的分析.法治是一种多元开放的社会形态,法治背景下的规则多样化为技术标准的形态分析提供了理论基础,技术标准的适用亦应在法治框架内进行.要发挥技术标准的效力,解决实然上的效力问题,仍需在适用上考虑其自身特点与范式.     

美学视角下的社会生产实践与当代劳动者美育

要将美的事物转化为广大劳动者自觉追求的理想理念,就必须把社会生产实践与审美教育很好地统一起来。掌握审美心理建构与劳动者体征特点是开展审美教育的前提条件。通过厘清生产劳动与审美教育的差别联系,才能不断挖掘生产劳动中的美学意蕴和尊重劳动者的审美感受,继而在实践中锻造工人阶级的伟大品格,最终实现二者的良性互动。     

五六十年代党在社会主义建设问题上的艰难探索

自新中国成立以后,中共党内对建设问题的较大分歧,首次表现在1956年前后的冒进和反冒进问题上,进而在对当时我国形势的困难程度以及社会发展动力的认识上,又产生较大分歧,这对我国社会的发展产生了很大的影响.这一历史教训告诉我们要建设好社会主义国家,就必须坚持从实际出发,理论联系实际的马克思主义路线.     

中产阶级与市民社会和民主化──东南亚中产阶级兴起及其影响探析

本文通过社会学的角度对东南亚中产阶级存在现状进行分析考察，认为伴随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展，这些国家的社会结构也发生了极大的变化，主要表现为中产阶级力量的发展壮大，这一变化促进了东南亚国家市民社会的发展。他们逐渐在政治上具有了一定的表现要求和能力，要求社会更加民主化。现阶段主要表现为各种非政府组织（ＮＧＯ）崛起，这推动了社会民主化进程向更高层次发展，但是由于东南亚中产阶级力量弱小和自身局限以及政府、传统政治文化影响，决定了东南亚国家民主化发展进程将是一个长期、渐进的发展历程。     

我国理论界社会分层理论的历史演进

建国后,我国社会分层的理论研究经历了五个阶段。新中国成立至1957年是阶级分层阶段;1957－1978年是政治分层阶级;1978至80年代中期,政治分层又向“客观的阶级结构”回归;80年代中期至90年代初,我国社会出现了贫富差距的大讨论,90年代至今,我国分层研究分析模型具有了明显的多元化趋势。     

Social Support: A Mediator between Child Maltreatment and Developmental Outcomes

The purpose of the current study was to investigate the relationship between child maltreatment, social support, and developmental outcomes in first-year college students. Participants were 202 undergraduate students (137 female, 65 male) who completed surveys at two time points: once before entering college and once during their first year of college. It was hypothesized that child maltreatment would predict poorer developmental outcomes in adolescence and early adulthood, but that social support would mediate this relationship. Results indicated that child maltreatment related negatively to developmental outcomes and to perceived social support; adolescent and young adult development related positively to perceived social support. In addition, a mediational model in which social support mediates child maltreatment and developmental outcomes was supported.

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.