全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3314篇 |
免费 | 59篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 120篇 |
工人农民 | 144篇 |
世界政治 | 69篇 |
外交国际关系 | 177篇 |
法律 | 427篇 |
中国共产党 | 297篇 |
中国政治 | 776篇 |
政治理论 | 309篇 |
综合类 | 1054篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 13篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 43篇 |
2019年 | 31篇 |
2018年 | 39篇 |
2017年 | 46篇 |
2016年 | 47篇 |
2015年 | 59篇 |
2014年 | 159篇 |
2013年 | 344篇 |
2012年 | 277篇 |
2011年 | 219篇 |
2010年 | 191篇 |
2009年 | 198篇 |
2008年 | 237篇 |
2007年 | 277篇 |
2006年 | 223篇 |
2005年 | 243篇 |
2004年 | 212篇 |
2003年 | 183篇 |
2002年 | 149篇 |
2001年 | 112篇 |
2000年 | 51篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有3373条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
941.
Many factors influence the extent to which nonprofit organizations engage in evaluation. Drawing on organization theory, nonprofit scholarship, and public administration research, we propose a set of hypotheses concerning the interrelationships between organizational characteristics and various aspects of nonprofit evaluation. We test these hypotheses using combined data from an original national survey and IRS Forms 990. Analysis reveals that although higher levels of staff compensation support many aspects of evaluation, higher levels of executive compensation exert negative effects. Additionally, evaluation culture mediates the effects of several variables on evaluation rigor and frequency. Practical implications are discussed for scholars and practitioners. 相似文献
942.
Liah Greenfeld 《Contemporary Politics》2017,23(1):120-125
ABSTRACTInstead of a conclusion, this special issue ends with a discussion between Liah Greenfeld, on the one hand, and Uriel Abulof and Markus Kornprobst, on the other hand, about the merits of studying public justification and how best to do so. Greenfeld suggests that public justification is predicated on the autonomy of the political sphere, the importance ascribed to public views, and to the prevalence of justification. Seeing public justification as ultimately a cultural phenomenon, this caveat urges scholars to study it in only specific historical contexts, which are, for now, limited to predominantly ‘Western liberal democracies’. 相似文献
943.
Reformers had high hopes that the end of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union would lead to significant improvements in legal institutions and the role of law in public administration. However, the cumulative experience of 25 years of legal change since communism has been mixed, marked by achievements and failures, advances and moves backward. This special issue of the journal Communist and Post-Communist Studies documents the nuances of this process and starts the process of explaining them. This introductory essay draws on the findings of the articles in this issue to explore the impact of three potential explanatory factors: regime type, international influences, and legal (or political) culture. Regime type matters, but allows for considerable variation within authoritarian and democratic states alike and the possibility of reversals. The influence of international organizations (like the European Union) is also far from predictable, especially once states have joined the organization. Finally, legal cultures and political traditions play a large role in explaining developments in individual countries, but there is nothing inevitable about their impact. 相似文献
944.
Albert Branchadell 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2017,20(1):114-126
Drawing on the particularities of Catalonia (and related cases), the general point of this contribution is to argue that Patten’s equal recognition theory is modeled upon a too-restricted set of empirical assumptions, a circumstance that might harm its value as a tool for the orientation, evaluation, and reform of public policy. What is absent in Patten’s account – or at least not properly inserted into it – are four built-in modules that we have named ‘history’, ‘democracy’, ‘international relations’, and ‘migration’. When it comes to recognition of minorities, the past matters more often than Patten is willing to accept; democracy can lead to permanent departures from equal recognition on the part of self-governing national minorities; in the recognition game, there are other relevant players than simply states and their minorities; and one of these players, namely immigrant groups, can (albeit involuntarily) distort equal recognition schemes. 相似文献
945.
This article provides an introduction to the special thematic section on political mobilization in East Central Europe. Based on a brief presentation of the main arguments of the individual articles, the authors discuss the recent political volatility in East Central Europe. They highlight the tension between fierce political rhetoric and populist policies on the one hand, and low levels of voter turnout and overall political participation in the region on the other. The authors argue that recent cases of successful as well as unsuccessful political mobilization in East Central Europe point to structural re-alignments in the region’s political landscape. In particular, the parties that are successful are those that manage to communicate their visions in new ways and whose messages resonate with nested attitudes and preferences of the electorate. These parties typically rally against the so-called establishment and claim for themselves an anti-hegemonic agenda. The introductory essay also asserts that these developments in East Central Europe deserve attention for their potential Europe-wide repercussions – especially the idea of “illiberal democracy,” which combines populist mobilization and autocratic demobilization and finds adherents also in more established European democracies. 相似文献
946.
947.
William F.S. Miles 《Democratization》2018,25(1):98-114
For all the novelty of a democratizing “Arab Spring”, there have long been pockets in the Middle East where Arabic-speaking voters have gone to the polls in competitive elections, albeit as minority citizens. This article sheds light on such voting at the grassroots level, in Israel, where passions are intense even as the issues and candidates are local. Contradictions between Western notions of electoral democracy and the power of the Arab extended family (hamula) result in what we call “electoral hamulism”. Unexamined heretofore in the scholarly literature are the variability of polling station openness and the methodology of electoral observation in the Arab electoral world. Also underappreciated are psycho-cultural consequences of electoral loss. Overall, the article takes up Valbjørn’s call for “meta-study” analysis and “self-reflective” rethinking of the study of Arab politics. 相似文献
948.
构建和谐有序、稳定安宁、生活幸福的美好社会,是古往今来人类孜孜以求的共同社会理想。“构建社会主义和谐社会”这一命题的提出,不仅是对马克思主义关于社会主义社会建设理论的继承和发展,也是对我国古代传统文化中“和”思想的汲取与借鉴。 相似文献
949.
绣球是壮族传统的民族手工艺品.近年来,广西靖西县旧州镇依托传统的壮族绣球工艺,积极发展绣球产业.文章试图从旧州绣球产业的发展来思考非物质文化遗产与文化资本之关联,并探讨非物质文化遗产资本转换及运作的意义,从而希望能为非物质文化遗产保护实践的可持续发展服务. 相似文献
950.
贵州民族文化旅游是贵州特色旅游的支柱,它依托于贵州极其丰富的民族文化旅游资源,成为贵州乡村旅游的闪光点。目前贵州民族文化旅游已取得一定的成绩,但仍然存在一些不足。本文试图对此加以分析并且提出对策性建议。 相似文献