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11.
互联网金融以其便捷、高效、低成本等优势对银行传统金融业务不断进行渗透,对银行经营造成了一定的影响。一方面,迅速发展的互联网金融业务在我国金融市场上发挥了"鲶鱼效应",成为我国金融体系的有益补充,填补了银行等正规金融机构的服务盲区。另一方面,互联网金融业务的迅速发展也给银行经营带来了不小的竞争压力,造成了银行存款流失、资金成本上升、小微企业贷款客户流失、代理支付结算业务利润下降等一系列问题。 相似文献
12.
"省直管县"已经成为行政体制改革的大趋势,但是我们并不主张全国范围内统一实施省直管县。中国与西方国家有很大的区别,西方国家的体制并不一定适应中国的具体情况,不应一切西化。政府层级变化是一个自然的发育过程,只可顺势而为,不可强力推行。在"省直管县"改革过程中各省可因地制宜,自主选择;应该注意把握改革的方式、节奏和速度,切忌操之过急,搞一刀切。 相似文献
13.
财政分权是财税体制的关键.随着经济发展,我国分税制财政体制的问题逐渐凸现.这与我国非制度化的中央集权,"职责同构"的行政体制密切相关.财政体制改革应当从创新行政管理体制,实现中央和地方关系的法治化、制度化两方面着手. 相似文献
14.
金融危机中避免失业减少裁员之策——德国的对策 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
金融危机席卷全球,各国面临着同样的问题:经济萎缩,产量下滑,就业困难。德国劳动法框架内避免或者减少裁员的做法主要是:在工作量减少时,采取放弃加班,减少使用劳务派遣工,消耗时间账户的盈余,预支年休假,实行短时工作制或者减时减薪等措施。在无法避免裁员时,通过制定"社会计划",给予失业金救济金,以减少对员工的不利影响。 相似文献
15.
Helen Thompson 《Economy and Society》2017,46(2):211-228
The nature of the City of London as an offshore financial centre has long made London dependent on the British state providing protection from external political regulation, even as London’s foreign currency business separated its interests from British governments’ economic policy preoccupations. Since the 2008 crash and the onset of the eurozone crisis, London has faced threats to both its autonomy from external regulatory demands and to its offshore business interests at the same time as the long-standing external statecraft of British governments around EU membership has broken down. The Cameron governments’ efforts to protect the City within the European Union under political conditions that were transformed by the eurozone crisis exposed the limits of Britain’s position as a member of the European Union. When David Cameron then tried to resolve the problem of EU membership through a referendum he made it extremely difficult to defend the City’s broader commercial interests in the Single European Market because freedom of movement issues weighed significantly more in British domestic politics than financial services. 相似文献
16.
Andreas Folkers 《Economy and Society》2017,46(1):103-127
This paper discusses business continuity management (BCM) and its role in contemporary financial institutions. BCM is a nascent disaster preparedness and recovery strategy that seeks to protect vital business operations from disruptions. The paper traces contemporary BCM back to Cold War continuity of government planning, and shows how BCM came to comprehend security as continuity of processes rather than integrity of goods. BCM is prominent in finance because it promises to mitigate operational risks, and it focuses on risks stemming from interdependencies in financial infrastructures. By engaging with two events that triggered continuity management in banks, Hurricane Sandy in New York City and the ‘Blockupy’ demonstrations in Frankfurt, the paper highlights how BCM is challenged by large-scale disasters as well as acts of public criticism. 相似文献
17.
Kevin A. Park 《Housing Policy Debate》2017,27(3):449-466
The Economic Stimulus Act of 2008 dramatically but temporarily increased the mortgage loan amount eligible for insurance through the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). We use the implementation and expiration of these loan limits as a source of exogenous variation in the availability of FHA insurance to measure the impact on the overall mortgage market and conventional lending. We find that the introduction of higher loan limits increased the number of loan originations, but that the expiration of those loan limits roughly 6 years later did not significantly decrease affected loan originations. The substitution between loan products and small net impact on the overall mortgage market when the ESA loan limits expired may be explained by the return of a stronger conventional lending industry than existed during the housing crisis. 相似文献
18.
Matthew Watson 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(3):422-437
This article focuses on the discursive construction in Britain of a middle-class moral panic occasioned by the distress caused to self-styled 'responsible mortgage borrowers' by falling house prices. In the context of the move towards asset-based welfare the sub-prime crisis manifested itself most obviously in the popular consciousness as a threat to housing market wealth. The Labour government used the political space opened up by the narrative of middle-class moral panic in order to protect banks' balance sheets from the consequences of their own failed investments in mortgage-backed securities. The ensuing arrangements immunised banks from the implications of market self-regulation in the first-phase response to the sub-prime crisis while simultaneously allowing them to continue to impose the experience of market self-regulation on their customers. An increasingly asymmetric approach to banking regulation has arisen analogous to that which Karl Polanyi associated with the contradictory co-existence of market and non-market forms. 相似文献
19.
Peter Edward 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(3):487-509
The level of, and trends in, global inequality and global poverty are indicative assessments of who has benefited from economic growth. The revision of price data has led to a reassessment of those estimates. Through an extensive overview of the implications, we argue that the data can be read in different ways. Official estimates show global extreme poverty and global inequality are considerably lower than previously thought. We argue that these changes are much less significant than they at first appear, and we present a more nuanced alternative interpretation by exploring changes across the entire global distribution. 相似文献
20.
Zoë Marriage 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(5):889-905
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, donors promoted rapid liberalisation and presidential elections in the aftermath of the war, and after two terms, President Kabila has not left office. This article engages with the question of how liberalisation and elections are connected, and how they are related to the extension of presidential power. It finds that the international market for minerals has shaped the domestic political economy but its nature has effectively been ignored in the formulation of donor policy; efforts at regulating trade have been concentrated on due diligence of origin in Congo but have not addressed the secrecy of international trade. Liberalisation has removed control of economic resources from Congo, provided returns for elite politicians and funded violence to control the disenfranchised population. The offshore companies are the elephant in the room; without acknowledging them, analysis of the liberalisation and its interaction with presidential tenure lacks assessment of the opportunities, interests and power that shaped the processes. 相似文献