International financial governance in hard times: tracing the transformations

This article reviews the tenets of the intellectual consensus on how to organize the international financial system that came to crystallize at the end of the 1990s and the contestation of such a consensus in the aftermath of the global financial crisis of 2007–09. Illustrating the path of ideational transformation from the early 1990s until the present time, the article builds on recent constructivist works in international political economy that take economic ideas held by agents as the principal unit of analysis. In doing so, it brings to the surface both the substantive changes that had taken place in the principles underlying the governance of the international financial system and the dynamics of ideational change. Specifically, the article suggests a shift away from a governance project based on the dispersion of supervisory authority and finds that new policy ideas of regulation and political centralization have all been conceived with negative reference to the past.     

中国碳金融交易金融支持的路径探讨

低碳经济是当前全世界关注的话题,也引发了碳金融市场的迅速发展。该文从中国碳金融市场现状入手,提出了构筑中国碳金融市场体系的设想,包括建立银行主导型的碳金融市场体系;建立新的碳金融政策性银行;鼓励商业银行加强对节能减排项目的资金支持以及设立碳基金等。     

Critical Review of the Equivalence between P2P Lending and Debt-Based Crowdfunding

The equivalence theory between P2P lending and debt-based crowd-funding mistakenly equates the debt-based crowd-funding that recognized by itself and that in the JOBS Act, which has misled the Chinese regulators in terms of regulatory timing and strategy, distorted the credit risk control system in relation to risk prevention, and kicked off many regulatory conundrums concerned with the P2P lending participants’ role in the context of securities regulation. The rules and regulations concerning debt-based crowd-funding in the JOBS Act are not transplantable for P2P lending regulation in China,nor is the securities regulatory regime. In order to avoid the negative effects caused by the equivalence theory, we should abandon it.     

宪政下的公共财政与预算

公共财政已成为我国构建和谐社会进程中的财政转型的目标定位。宪政下公共财政问题的实质,是公民财产权与政府财政权的互动。公共财政应当体现以保障人权为宗旨,以充分实现财政民主为核心,以财政法治为保障。公共财政是建立在现代政府预算基础之上的财政制度,预算制度是关于民众赞同和监督国家财政活动的法律规范。在推进公共财政体制建设中,我国应坚持财政法定原则,尊重和保护纳税人权利,完善预算法,加强预算监督。     

中共中央北方局各抗日根据地的财政经济工作

驱逐日本帝国主义出中国,必须实行全面抗战。其中,抗日的财政经济建设是一项不可缺少的重要工作。中共中央北方局陆续制定了一系列经济政策和财政制度,并不断规范,取得了良好效果,有力地支持了中国人民的抗战事业。     

甘肃省农村金融法律制度建设的理论基础与整体设计

研究甘肃省农村金融法律制度建设，宏观上要处理好对内改革和对外开放的关系，财政和金融的关系，政府、市场和社会的关系，探索出规范甘肃省农村金融发展的法律制度体系，为全国立法提供重要理论基础、设计论证和决策参考。     

我国农村民间金融与社会主义新农村建设

我国农村民间金融作为农村金融体系中的非公有经济成分,为社会主义新农村建设提供了大量的资金支持、多样化的金融服务和规避风险的金融机制,有其存在与发展的客观必然性.但同时,农村民间金融也有自身的局限性,因此,必须对其发展进行规范,以便更好地服务于社会主义新农村建设.     

延边地方财源建设工程的几点思考

实施“地方财政建设工程”是缓解我州财政困难的必由之路。要树立效益财政观念,调整财源结构,增加各种税收,为地方财源配置更多的经济增长点。     

Targeted Sanctions in a World of Global Finance

This is the golden age of economic statecraft—and the study of economic statecraft. This is in large part due to the evolution of economic coercion from trade embargoes to targeted financial sanctions. Targeted financial sanctions are attractive because they can generate economic costs similar to those of more comprehensive sanctions, with fewer negative externalities. Over time, however, the intersection of economic sanctions with globalized capital markets will provoke three interesting research questions. First, do financial sanctions spare a target country’s population from negative humanitarian and human rights outcomes? Second, to what extent are financial sanctions an exercise in learning by both targets and senders? Third, will the United States’ use of financial sanctions trigger blowback against US primacy in the international financial system? These last two questions offer the prospect to linking research on economic statecraft with larger questions of international security and global political economy.     

Globalization,democratization, and the Arab uprising: the international factor in MENA's failed democratization

What explains the almost wholly negative impact of international factors on post-uprising democratization prospects? This article compares the utility of rival “diffusionist” and neo-Gramscian political economy frames to explain this. Multiple international factors deter democratization. The failure of Western democracy promotion is rooted in the contradiction between the dominance of global finance capital and the norm of democratic equality; in the periphery, neo-liberalism is most compatible with hybrid regimes and, at best, “low intensity democracy”. In MENA, neo-liberalism generated crony capitalism incompatible with democratization; while this also sparked the uprisings, these have failed to address class inequalities. Moreover at the normative level, MENA hosts the most credible counter-hegemonic ideologies; the brief peaking of democratic ideology in the region during the early uprisings soon declined amidst regional discourse wars. Non-democrats – coercive regime remnants and radical charismatic movements – were empowered by the competitive interference of rival powers in uprising states. The collapse of many uprising states amidst a struggle for power over the region left an environment uncongenial to democratization.