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221.
Internet advertisements have come under tremendous scrutiny recently for their potential to impact electoral outcomes. However, academic research has yet to determine if they have an effect on turnout. This article presents the results of a preregistered field experiment conducted in Dallas, Texas, in partnership with The Dallas Morning News in which individually targeted banner ads were able to generate a statistically significant increase in turnout among Millennial voters in a municipal election. The results show that a combination of information and voting reminder ads was effective, but only for voters in competitive districts. Estimated treatment effects were on par with a telephone mobilization campaign using live callers. These findings contribute to theoretical knowledge about the role of political knowledge and electoral competitiveness in voter mobilization, and offer a new method for testing online advertisements used by political campaigns. 相似文献
222.
网络与女性主义是信息时代媒介与性别研究的重要方向。以“新媒体女性”非政府组织的官方新浪微博为案例,在网络行动主义理论框架下,通过虚拟民族志和社会网络分析研究方法,可以探讨女性主义组织的网络行动特征,并通过其积极行动者的社会网络特征来分析女性主义组织网络行动的动员能力。研究发现,“新媒体女性”能够充分利用微博平台进行抗争性话语的表达,对于积极行动者具有控制优势。其处于所在的积极行动者的社会网络的核心位置,具有很大话语权,但整个网络结构极为疏松,不具有凝聚力。网络整体对行动者的态度和行为等产生影响的可能性较小,不利于其形成互动联合的网络行动模式,女性主义组织的网络行动能力有待加强。 相似文献
223.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):195-210
The assessment of sovereign risk is of crucial importance for international lenders and investors. Many existing sovereign risk approaches are opaque and heavily rely on subjective choices. In general, they lack a theoretical basis. To assess sovereign risk, we use the Merton model in which a loan defaults if the value of a firm's assets falls below the value of its debt. In a portfolio context, this implies that default correlations warrant the utmost attention. We analyze defaults for 37 countries during the period 1970–1998. We find that sovereign default correlations are low. Joint defaults are highest in Central and Eastern Europe. They are intermediate in Latin America and they are low in (Southeast) Asia. 相似文献
224.
随着网络购物的兴起,网络购物纠纷也日益增多,而且网络购物纠纷解决起来往往困难重重。因此,只有加强道德建设和法制教育,营造一个有利于纠纷解决的道德和法制环境,构建完善的多元化网络购物纠纷解决机制,才能更好地解决网络购物纠纷,促进我国经济的进一步发展。 相似文献
225.
邵二辉 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2012,25(3):14-16,60
近年来,青年网络交往以迅猛的态势持续发展,总的来说呈现出以下现状:既有“虚拟”又有“现实”,既有“狂欢”也有“孤单”,既“渴望交往”又“自我封闭”,既享受“自由”又忽视“规范”,等等。对此,青年需要对“自由”与“自律”、“虚拟”与“现实”、“网络文化”与“网络规范”等问题有更加清醒的认识,这样才能更好地进行网络交往。 相似文献
226.
刘昂 《北京政法职业学院学报》2011,(1):33-37
本文从网络民意的概念、特征入手,剖析了网络民意的优势和劣势,分析了网络民意与司法的冲突与契合,以及网络民意对司法的影响。最后笔者站在立法机关、网络媒体和司法机关三方的立场为弥合这种冲突提出了对策。 相似文献
227.
景志铮 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2011,24(3):82-86
网络购物的信任文化不是一个静态的现象,而是一个动态的过程。已经存在的信任文化或不信任文化通过网络购物的积极或消极经验,产生增强的信任文化或不信任文化,形成新的网购信任文化背景,辐射至更大范围内的潜在网购用户,使网络购物的信任文化产生自我增强效应。 相似文献
228.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(4):517-530
This article addresses the relationship between the size of media markets and content diversity online. In the Baltic countries, the Internet offers new channels with a greater diversity of information; at the same time, the increasing presence of hybrid discourses (PR-based news, promotional writing) on online media channels is creating an illusory impression of news diversity: the same sources and the same story frames are dominating online. The authors argue that new concepts (quality of information processing, media literacy) need to be taken into account to adequately assess online journalism professionalization (the changing identities and functions of journalists) in a small country. 相似文献
229.
陈敏 《北京青年政治学院学报》2014,23(3):94-99
现代社会发展步伐的加快,传统的家庭、学校以及社会的思想政治教育功能受到严重冲击,当代的青年思想政治教育面临诸多挑战。网络舆情具有直接性、突发性、偏差性、难以纠错性等特点,本文在分析网络舆情的特点及其影响的基础上,从树立阵地意识、正确引导网络舆情走向以及关注青年网络需求等方面探讨如何在新形式下利用网络舆情完善青年思想政治教育。 相似文献
230.
《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(1-2):93-111
Abstract Substance abuse is a significant social problem and political issue. Students at a Midwestern university were surveyed on their drug views. The findings suggest that race is a statistically significant factor on students' views toward drugs. White students were more likely than non-Whites to view drugs as a pressing social issue, to consider drug use as a character weakness, and to support a punitive response to drug use. In contrast, non-Whites were more likely than Whites to view drug abuse as an illness, to support treatment as a response, to be tolerant of marijuana use, and to support legalization of marijuana. Both groups of students considered alcohol a dangerous drug. Differences associated with race remained statistically significant in multivariate analysis after controlling for age, academic standing, political affiliation, and religiosity. 相似文献