试论参政党民主监督的程序缺陷问题

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度蕴藏着政党"互相监督"政治资源。经过几十年的不断探索,参政党民主监督在政治、经济、文化和社会生活中发挥了重要作用。在现实层面,参政党民主监督运行机制的程序缺陷使参政党民主监督随意性和软弱性较大,监督效用未能充分的实现。当务之急,要建加强参政党民主监督机制的程序化建设,着力实施程序监督。     

加强和创新社会管理视域中民主党派作用的思考

加强和创新社会管理是中国特色的社会建设之重大课题,民主党派参与其中有其重大理论意义和现实意义。改革开放三十多年来,我国经济社会发展取得突出成就,经济社会正处在深刻转型期,转型期也是矛盾凸显期,这给社会管理和民主党派都带来较多新的挑战。民主党派如何做到既克服自身局限性,又在多党合作框架下充分发挥自身优势、积极参与社会管理及其创新,在中国特色的社会建设中有所建树?解决此问题有如下路径:民主党派参与政权,积极促进改善民生;民主党派议政、参与民主协商,加强联系社会,促进民意畅通机制,促进社会公平正义;民主党派进行民主监督,促进反腐倡廉建设;民主党派进行调查研究,利于把握社会建设规律。     

The end of a strategic opening? The BNP's window of opportunity in the 2000s and its closure in the 2010s

ABSTRACT

Notwithstanding the endemic failure of extreme-right parties in Britain, the British National Party (BNP) observed a period of electoral growth in the 2000s. After the election of several city councillors nationwide, the BNP experienced an electoral breakthrough in the national ballot of the 2009 European Parliament elections. Yet the BNP's electoral accomplishments dissipated in the early 2010s, fuelling predictions of the party's terminal decline. Within this context, Carvalho seeks to explain the fluctuations observed in the BNP's electoral base in the twentieth-first century by exploring the structure of political opportunities alongside the strategy of the BNP's leadership. Drawing on the convergence thesis and the decline of voting along class lines, he argues that the BNP benefitted from a favourable set of political opportunities in the 2000s, reflecting the decrease in political polarization among mainstream parties, the rise in levels of public distrust, and the intense politicization of the issue of immigration. Despite a general shift to cultural xenophobia, the BNP's leadership remained attached to the ideological traits of neo-fascist parties, including the search for a ‘palingenetic rebirth’ and a national corporatist economic programme. These ideological formulae had important implications for the scope of the BNP's electoral coalition, as Carvalho demonstrates in a review of the secondary literature on the roots of the BNP's electoral support. Consequently, the BNP's electoral growth in the 2000s was the outcome of an interplay between a favourable window of opportunity in British politics and the party's electoral appeal. Carvalho goes on to link the BNP's electoral collapse in the early 2010s with the closing of the aforementioned window after the onset of the financial crisis, a temporary lack of political interest in the issue of immigration, and the formation of the coalition government in 2010.     

Ushering in Greater Accomplishments

On August 15,1974,China and Brazil established formal diplomatic ties and began a new chapter in Sino-Brazilian relations.Tested by time and tide,the bilateral relations continue to advance steadily.     

Kingrand Hotel Beijing

正Kingrand Hotel Beijing of ers venue of more than 1,756 square meters for meetings and banquets to easily cater t your needs to hold large-scale business conferences,theme parties and other activities.Among these venues is the     

国际法框架下的南海合作(英文)

Pragmatic cooperation on the South China Sea between signatory states not only conforms to the common interests of all parties,but also is a legal obligation.The current threats to stability in the South China Sea require that coastal countries cooperate in environmental protection,resource utilization and conservation,disaster prevention and mitigation,and the fight against crime.Due to a variety of internal and external factors,the South China Sea has recently experienced some problems.Together,stakeholders should look for solutions and promote cooperation in fields that are not very sensitive.     

从Gubisch案看欧共体法院对国际诉讼竞合的认定

国际诉讼竞合的认定是解决国际民商事管辖权冲突的先决条件。通过对欧共体法院一则判例的分析,指出,欧共体法院对国际诉讼竞合的认定趋向于持宽松的态度,而且,这种宽松的认定方法已被目前的国际立法和司法判例所吸收和支持。     

Marginalisation or legitimation? Mainstream party positioning on immigration and support for radical right parties

Abstract

Does mainstream party positioning contribute to marginalising or legitimising niche party positions? This article argues that voter perceptions of the legitimacy and credibility of niche party positions play a role in individuals’ propensity to vote for niche parties. It finds that the adoption of more restrictive immigration positions by mainstream parties increases the likelihood that those people who do not recognise the issue competence of radical right parties on immigration will vote radical right. However, for individuals who already perceive the radical right to be competent on immigration, mainstream party adoption of more restrictive immigration positions has no effect on propensity to vote radical right. In addition, the increase in the propensity of individuals to vote radical right is predominantly a function of mainstream left parties adopting more restrictive immigration positions. These results imply that mainstream parties risk fuelling radical right party support by adopting more restrictive immigration positions.     

The Disappearance of Political Cultures in Italy

Abstract

Following the collapse of the Italian party system in 1994, post-war Italian political cultures have all but exhausted themselves, if not disappeared completely. First, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) in 1996–1998, then, the Partito Democratico in 2007–2008, attempted without much conviction to formulate a new political culture combining several traditions and heritages. This article will explore how and why the PD failed in its attempts. It will also look at the status of other political cultures, especially the federalist and the liberal, supposedly relaunched by Berlusconi in 1994. It will conclude with some reflections on the appearance of personalist parties and leaders’ narratives and provide an assessment of the present situation with specific reference to the attempt by the PD leader, Matteo Renzi, to give birth to a so-called ‘Partito della Nazione’. Is there any future for new political cultures in the Italian political system? Will the Italian party system ever be revived?     

The enduring influence of electoral systems: investigating Green parties’ attention to local issues in parliament

Scholars argue that members of parliament (MPs) in first-past-the-post (FPTP) systems have stronger incentives to cater to their electoral district than those in proportional representation (PR) types. Yet, few studies have explored whether MPs in PR systems or MPs from small parties engage local issues in general. I build new theory and explore its support through a case study that compares Green party behaviour in an FPTP system (the UK) to a PR system (New Zealand). Results show that MPs focus on local issues in both systems, but the distribution of attention varies in ways consistent with differing electoral incentives.