近代大陆法系行政法理论及影响探析

中世纪后期,随着商品经济的发展和市民阶级的壮大,以理性主义为核心的近代启蒙思想蓬勃兴起,深刻影响了资本主义法制文明。以自由主义、法治和分权思想为基础的行政法便是资产阶级政治、经济要求在法律上的体现。随着行政法理论的传播,欧洲各国开始了行政立法实践,并形成了行政法学这一新兴的学科。而后亚洲很多国家也继受了大陆法系行政法理论,开始了行政法现代化的进程。     

行政越权论

行政越权是行政主体的积极行政行为超越了法定的职权范围的一种行政行为和行政状态的综合体。在上级行政主体是否会超越下级行政主体的行政职权的问题上 ,要注意区分上下级行政主体之间所处的相互关系。在领导关系中 ,上级行政主体行使了下级行政主体的职权 ,不应当构成行政越权 ;而在指导关系中 ,上级行政主体行使了下级行政主体的职权 ,则构成行政越权。对行政越权的救济应当从抽象行政行为越权与具体行政行为越权两个方面进行。对抽象行政行为越权的救济包括权力机关救济和行政机关救济两个方面 ,对具体行政行为越权的救济包括行政救济和司法救济两个方面。     

蒙古国“多支点”外交战略与大国关系

前苏联解体和冷战结束后 ,地处中俄之间的蒙古国放弃了长期奉行的“一边倒”外交政策 ,制定了均衡发展与中俄两大邻国关系。同时 ,发展与美日等西方大国关系以及立足亚太地区的“多支点”外交战略。目前 ,蒙古国与南北两个邻国建立了蒙中睦邻互信伙伴关系和蒙俄睦邻传统伙伴关系 ,与美国发展战略伙伴关系 ,与日本确立了综合性伙伴关系。蒙古积极发展与大国的均衡关系 ,其意义在于 ,保障国家的独立、安全和未来发展 ,扩大自身活动空间 ,提高其国际地位 ,而且利用与大国的均势平衡使其相互牵制 ,以便从中获取更多利益。     

宪法是公民权利的保障书——解读2004年宪法修正案

宪法的发展历史表明,宪法是公民权利的保障书,2004年宪法修正案的内容正是这一点的生动体现。"三个代表"、政治文明写入宪法,为公民权利的发展提供了思想理论指导和政治基础;进一步明确了国家对发展非公有制经济的方针,完善了对私有财产保护的规定,为公民权利的发展提供了经济制度基础和物质前提;增加尊重和保障人权的规定,为公民权利的保障提供了一项基本原则;完善补偿制度,关于紧急状态的规定从保障公民权利的角度规范制约了政府权力。但为了保障修正案的实施,还应不断完善相关立法和宪法监督制度。     

现行宪法的规范定位及其价值修正

宪法规范必须以控制权力和保障权利为宗旨,合理安排好国家权力与公民权利、公民权利与公民义务和国家权力与国家权力之间的价值关系。最终通过对宪法规范的价值定位,来实现我国宪法的价值转变。     

National Security, Terrorism and Constitutional Balance

The 'war on terrorism' engages all the institutions of the state. A constitutional structure devoted to protection of liberty must place a paramount value on separation of powers, and a parliamentary democratic constitution should ensure that the ultimate locus of responsibility rests in the legislature, the only branch which has a direct connection to the citizens. However, in an ironic reversal of practice that prevailed before the coming of mass democracy, Parliament in the UK since the early twentieth century has largely accepted a supine role compared to the executive in matters of 'national security'. The judiciary, despite the enactment of legally enforceable human rights, has also manifestly failed to exercise its proper function of curbing abuses of state power. The result is an over-mighty executive, able to draw upon the deference of other branches of government in prosecuting the 'war on terrorism' on the battlefield and in the statute book, which has trampled on individual rights with virtually no check or counte-balance. Some principles by which the balance might be restored are suggested.     

我国经济执法的重心应当上移

经济执法的级别管辖问题既是经济法的实施问题,也是行政执法的程序问题,与中央政府和地方政府的事权划分问题直接相关。目前中国的经济执法以地方政府为主,其实施中遇到的最大问题是地方保护主义,要克服这一顽症,需要将经济执法的重心上移到比较高层级的政府——直至中央政府。这不仅与经济法管理事务的受益范围——属于全国性和跨省的事务相符合,也符合建立权力和责任高度统一的中央政府和地方政府的需要。     

Role and place of the parliament of Kazakhstan in the system of checks and balances

This article examines the system of checks and balances in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in general and the role of the Parliament of Kazakhstan in that system in particular. As opposed to the scientific mainstream in Kazakhstan which explains established system of checks and balances as a result of formal constitutional reforms, this article undertakes broader analytical framework and examines the system of checks and balances in Kazakhstan taking into account a correlation of formal and informal practices. The goal of the article is to show that in post-Soviet Kazakhstan the separation of powers is established without proper checks and balances. The inference drawn from the article is that the separation of powers in Kazakhstan is blocked by the strong constitutional and informal powers of the President, which allows him to control and interfere in affairs of all branches of power.     

Influencing the Penal Agenda? The Justice Select Committee and ‘Transforming Justice’, 2010–15

This article assesses the policy influence of the House of Commons Justice Select Committee, established to oversee the work of the Ministry of Justice following its creation a decade ago. The committee has, from the outset, overseen many contentious policy and legislative developments in the penal field, although none so extensive as those introduced following the formation of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2010. Despite the newsworthy nature of its business, the committee has, to some extent, operated in the shadows of its high‐profile sister, the Home Affairs Select Committee, and has received surprisingly limited attention from criminologists and political scientists alike. Forming part of a wider investigation into the work of the committee, this article examines the extent to which it was able to influence penal developments during the coalition years. This period is of particular interest given that it heralded the end of the New Labour administration and welcomed the ‘fresh thinking’ of a coalition leadership keen to emphasise its progressive attitude towards law and order. While the committee was able to influence the direction of penal policy on several occasions, this mostly occurred as a result of its proactive or niche inquiries. The committee had less impact when conducting inquiries that assessed the government's flagship policy agenda, however. Such findings brought into question the ability of the committee to influence the most significant justice transformations in this era of new penal governance.     

Confidence and Caretakers: Some Less‐Obvious Implications of the Fixed‐Term Parliaments Act

This article explores the 2011 Fixed‐term Parliaments Act's less‐obvious implications. First, it discusses why Theresa May found calling the 2017 election so straightforward, and notes what this implies for how FTPA works. Second, it looks at executive–legislative relations. FTPA removed the government's ability to designate controversial parliamentary votes as matters of confidence, and introduced a fourteen‐day cushion between a no‐confidence vote and Parliament's dissolution. In the process, it shifted the balance of power from ministers to backbenchers, to an extent potentially greater than most observers recognise. Third, it considers the more outlandish possibilities raised by FTPA's imposition of a fourteen‐day waiting period after a government's defeat on a no‐confidence motion before a new election can be called. It is possible, for example, for rebel MPs from the governing party to use the no‐confidence procedure to force concessions from the cabinet. Finally, it assesses FTPA's long‐term survival prospects, and what repeal would involve.