公民社会维度下的中国网络政治结构

伴随互联网在中国的普及,中国的网民总数已经达到3.16亿人,网络政治参与的时代到来。公民社会需要民众表达自己的声音,在中国现阶段政治体制改革尚未深入进行的情况下,通过网络政治的方式为广大人民群众参与社会管理提供了可能。"互动性"是网络政治的特质,具有社会学理论基础。中国网络政治路径的建构,将对中国公民社会的未来形成提供巨大促进作用。     

刑法全球化:内涵、成因及其路径

"刑法全球化"指的是各国刑法对世界不同国家刑事法律吸收方式多样化的逐渐延伸。这一趋势有其深刻的原因,既有外在的现实因素,也有内在的理论基础。刑法的全球化基本是可行的,"全球法律与地方秩序"为刑法全球化提供了参考模式,"全球化与本土化"则为刑法全球化指出了选择路径。     

网络舆论与政府的引导调控

网络舆论是公众的意见与网络传播媒介相结合的产物。它在给社会和谐发展带来积极影响的同时,也带来一些负面效应,因而需要对网络舆论特点及过程演变的规律进行研究,以便引导调控网络舆论。对此,应认真分析网络舆论特点,对公共事件网络舆论的过程演变规律进行探索和总结,并由此提出政府引导调控网络舆论的策略。     

法官对专家辅助人意见的采信与心证形成的路径分析

2012年《民事诉讼法》规定了专家辅助人两种出庭情形:与鉴定人进行质证;对案件所涉专业问题发表意见。两种情形不仅在事实认定中承担着本证与反证的不同功能,其意见效力、法官采信的逻辑亦有差别。目前,专家辅助人意见在我国不属于法定证据,2015年《民事诉讼法司法解释》将其视为当事人陈述的规定,更加弱化其效力,导致实践中法官在采信专家意见时难以操作。因此,赋予专家辅助人合法的诉讼地位和法定证据效力,并对专家辅助人出庭的条件、资质要求、意见属性、法院审查标准等方面予以规定,不仅完善立法,也具有非常重要的实践意义。     

公平正义视域下的基本公共服务均等化

基本公共服务均等化是保障公平正义的基础,公平正义是基本公共服务均等化的本质要求。我国基本公共服务供给不足、发展失衡直接影响着社会公平正义的实现,需要深化行政改革,通过建立以民为先的责任体系、参与和监督体系、合理的考核体系等,提升政府服务意识,推进政务公开透明,建设服务型政府,从而促进基本公共服务均等化。     

文化传承创新视域下的高校思想政治教育

高校开展思想政治教育工作的重要目的是为了实现文化的传承创新,两者之间是辩证统一的关系。从高等教育的基本职能、大学生思想现状等来看,高校在开展思想政治教育工作时,需要通过以下三个方面加强文化传承创新：一是要增强思想政治教育的人文内涵和底蕴,不断加强校园文化建设;二是要坚持思想政治教育课程改革创新,以文化教育为载体,做到政治性与文化性兼具;三是要坚持以人为本,培养大学生文化自觉和自信,以实现思想政治教育、自我教育双赢。     

改革开放与中国特色社会主义道路的选择

改革开放的进程就是我国逐步融入全球化的进程。在这一过程中,我们成功开辟了中国特色社会主义发展道路。在新的历史条件下,只有坚定不移地推进改革开放,把坚持四项基本原则同坚持改革开放结合起来,把坚持独立自主同参与经济全球化结合起来,坚持党的领导,才能使中国特色社会主义道路越走越宽广。     

Japan's policy on steel trade disputes with the United States: a comparative analysis

Abstract

This article examines interactions among the United States, Japan and the European Union over steel trade disputes with particular interest in Japan's reactions to the disputes. For this objective, this paper establishes an analytical framework that takes into account bilateral, international, and domestic factors in formulating a state's external policy and relations. It was found that the special relationship with the United States still impinged on Japan's reactions to steel trade disputes, but its influence has gradually declined. Moreover, growing familiarity with World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and practices and collaboration with other countries enabled Tokyo to expand its policy options to handle steel trade conflicts with Washington. Significantly, Japan formally adopted seemingly bold measures to cope with the US steel safeguard action, but the measures’ substantial influence on the US government was limited compared with those adopted by the European Union. Weak policy coordination among ministries prevented Japan from formulating strategic and effective measures in managing steel trade disputes with the United States.     

解析道路自信、理论自信、制度自信

党的十八大报告首次提出全党要坚定中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信。坚定“三个自信”对于党领导全国各族人民抵御风险、攻坚克难,推进社会主义现代化建设,实现中华民族伟大复兴具有深远影响。深入分析“三个自信”,准确把握中国特色社会主义道路、理论、制度的内涵,正确评价“三个自信”探索历程与成就经验,探索坚定道路自信、理论自信、制度自信的途径必将不断开创中国特色社会主义事业的新局面。     

Briefly Noted

The argument is commonly made that television has changed the character of parliamentary elections. Its ever more central role in election campaigns outside the United States is held to have “presidentialized” parliamentary elections because it is a medium that projects personalities more effectively than ideas or policies. A comparison of the electoral roles of the Australian prime minister and the U.S. president indicates that both leaders are held personally accountable for government performance. However, such “presidentialism” appears to have little to do with television in Australia or in the United States. Television‐dependent citizens in both countries are less susceptible to the campaign appeals of chief executives than the rest of the voting public. Both leaders, but especially the president, do have an electoral impact. Counter to expectations, however, this impact makes itself felt in both cases among those voters who are not dependent on television for their political information and cues. Party identification seems to insulate the television‐dependent more successfully against leader effects.