论黑社会性质组织犯罪的主客观原因

黑社会性质组织犯罪的原因有主观和客观两方面。客观方面的原因主要有:地区差距、城乡差距及行业差距拉大,贫富悬殊、劳动力过剩和人口密集、经济体制改革和市场规则不完善等经济原因,流动人口管理处于失控状态、基层政权控制力量相对减弱、对黑社会性质组织犯罪打击不力、严重落后的教育状况等社会原因以及政治腐败等;主观方面的原因主要有:黑社会性质组织犯罪能够满足组织成员的合群心理、归属感和成就感,减轻组织成员的罪恶感,并满足组织成员日益膨胀的犯罪需求。     

“上海合作组织”框架下的中国与中亚国家金融合作目标及途径

金融合作是“上海合作组织”各国经济合作的重要领域,也是实现区域经济一体化的前提条件。在金融合作尚处于初级阶段的情况下,确定合理科学的金融合作目标,探索切实可行的金融合作途径,对于推动“上海合作组织”的金融合作进程具有十分重要的意义。根据《上海合作组织成员国多边经贸合作纲要》的原则,“上海合作组织”框架下的金融合作应分阶段进行,目标规划也应该划分为近期、中期和远期三个阶段。当前的工作重点是,积极推动成员国之间双边或多边的功能性金融合作。合作的具体进程要采取“双轮驱动”策略:既要开展以银行业务和功能完善为特征的金融合作;又要开展以金融组织和机制创新为特征的金融合作。     

提升中俄经贸关系需要媒体助阵

从新闻传播的真实性与公正性原则出发,探讨媒体在中俄战略伙伴关系中发挥的三种作用:“尊重事实避免虚假新闻”、“摒弃炒作负面新闻”和“引导沟通充当经贸桥梁”。目的在于从大众传媒领域找到推进中俄战略伙伴关系的新动力。     

高职素质教育中第二课堂的应用模式探讨

本文指出了第二课堂在高职素质教育中的地位和作用及实施的误区,综合了高职教育适合开展的多种形式的第二课堂活动,最后重点从确保综合素质培养效果,保证第二课堂活动严格执行的组织安排提出了建议.对第二课堂活动形式进行总结和归纳,并对确保第二课堂教学效果的组织形式提出了初步设想.     

会计信息与工资集体协商--理论与实务的几个问题

工资集体协商的实质是经济利益的协商,协商的效果和质量取决于协商手段的运用,特别是协商过程中财务信息的运用。研究工资集体协商过程中涉及的若干会计问题,目的是引导协商主体,充分利用财务信息,提高工资集体协商的质量,实现共赢。     

“独立工人”视角下共享经济就业特征及其影响机制

共享经济中形成了"平台+履约人"的新就业模式,催生了一个全新的就业群体——"独立工人"。"独立工人"与平台之间没有传统意义上的劳动关系,仅根据平台要求向客户提供劳务或服务。研究显示:我国共享经济从业人员以"独立工人"为主,吸纳的劳动力主要是受教育程度较低、技术等级较低、外地农业户籍的青壮年男性。在共享经济中有四至五成的从业人员属于专职"独立工人"。研究发现:选择从事兼职独立工作的群体有长期从业的倾向,而选择从事专职独立工作的群体则不希望继续从事独立工作。为进一步规范共享经济发展、保护"独立工人"的合法权益,可以从重新审视"独立工人"的法律身份入手,探索建立适合"独立工人"的"可携式福利"体系,尝试总结具有权威性的共享经济劳动标准,以推动该领域的劳动立法。     

新中国劳动经济史的历史分期探析

新中国劳动经济史研究的对象是1949年新中国成立以来在中国共产党领导下社会主义劳动经济的产生、演变和发展的历史。当前研究新中国劳动经济史,应从全面建设小康社会、城乡统筹发展视角,从工业化、市场化和现代化视角,以劳动力资源配置方式变革为主线,进行全面系统研究。新中国劳动经济发展可以划分为六个阶段:1949-1956年两次社会经济形态转变中的劳动经济,主题是"转变中建立";1957-1978年计划经济体制下的劳动经济,主题是"曲折中探索";1979-1991年向市场经济转轨初期的劳动经济,主题是"摩擦中改革";1992-2001年建立市场经济体制时期的劳动经济,主题是"定向中转轨";2002-2012年完善市场经济体制时期的劳动经济,主题是"统筹中完善";2013年以来的劳动经济,这个新阶段目前还没有结束,其主题应该是"共享中发展"。     

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

Legislators commonly blame others for gridlock. We posit that legislators may engage in this type of rhetoric to minimize the individual reputational risks associated with legislative inaction or to boost the relative standing of their party. In a series of six survey experiments, we find that blaming others for inaction undermines voters’ evaluations of individual legislators who engage in this rhetorical strategy. This effect is particularly pronounced among out-partisans and independents. However, blaming rhetoric can also enhance the standing of the blamer’s party relative to the opposing party across all groups (including out-partisans), in large part by undermining the reputations of these other actors. Ultimately, we show that when an individual legislator engages in blaming rhetoric, the immediate net electoral effects are null. This suggests that coordinated efforts by a party to blame opponents may improve the party’s relative standing, while imposing few costs on those engaged in blaming.     

Taxing Digital Economy: A Critical View around the GloBE (Pillar Two)

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) proposal for taxation of digital economy constitutes one of the most ambitious projects in the field of taxation and may lead to the most significant reform to international tax rules in the 20th century. Based on a two-pillar approach, Pillar Two of the proposal suggests the adoption of Global Anti-Base Erosion (GloBE) provisions that are aimed at introducing a worldwide minimum tax. In this article, a critical analysis is based that the GloBE proposal suggests that it represents a shift in the OECD policy. As compared to base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS), it jeopardizes the tax sovereignty of jurisdictions and it raises fundamental challenges of implementation, both in terms of amendments to domestic law and conflicts with tax treaties.     

The Capitalocene Part II: accumulation by appropriation and the centrality of unpaid work/energy

This essay – Part II – reconceptualizes the past five centuries as the Capitalocene, the ‘age of capital’. The essay advances two interconnected arguments. First, the exploitation of labor-power depends on a more expansive process: the appropriation of unpaid work/energy delivered by ‘women, nature, and colonies’ (Mies). Second, accumulation by appropriation turns on the capacity of state–capital–science complexes to make nature legible. If the substance of abstract social labor is time, the substance of abstract social nature is space. While managerial procedures within commodity production aim to maximize productivity per quantum of labor-time, the geo-managerial capacities of states and empires identify and seek to maximize unpaid work/energy per ‘unit’ of abstract nature. Historically, successive state–capital–science complexes co-produce Cheap Natures that are located, or reproduce themselves, largely outside the cash nexus. Geo-managerialism’s preliminary forms emerged rapidly during the rise of capitalism. Its chief historical expressions comprise those processes through which capitalists and state-machineries map, identify, quantify and otherwise make natures legible to capital. A radical politics of sustainability must recognize – and seek to mobilize through – a tripartite division of work under capitalism: labor-power, unpaid human work and the work of nature as a whole.