橘朴的“满洲国”“农民自治”论

在伪满“建国精神的设计者”橘朴的“王道政治”理念中,“农民自治”是其核心内容,是其设计的“满洲国”作为“东洋”农业国家发展的独特道路。橘朴的“满洲国”“农民自治”论的产生,源于其对资本主义前途失望而产生的对第三条道路的追寻理想,是站在对中国社会深刻认知的基础上,糅合日本国内“大亚细亚主义”、农本法西斯主义等思想的产物。其理论中虽然包含一定的理想主义,但主要牵绊着日本侵略者利益的算计,同时缺乏精准的设计和明晰的实现路径,因此,不仅是无法实现的乌托邦,而且最终成为为日本侵略者服务的理论之一。     

Examining Organizational Commitment among National and Expatriate Employees in the Private and Public Sectors in United Arab Emirates

The indigenous manpower deficit in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has resulted in hiring of millions of expatriate employees. In the past decade, this situation has led to many concerns for decision makers as organizational productivity declined. The present study aims at examining the relationship between employees’ nationality and their organizational commitment (OC), in addition to exploring the various forms of commitment exhibited in the workplace. Bivariate and multivariate analyses indicated that OC was multidimensional as employees have expressed differing types and levels of commitment. In addition, nationality of employees was significantly correlated with the level of their commitment. Thus, this study provides several recommendations for researchers and practitioners.     

Actions by Political Officials Have Weakened the Federal Government Workplace: Downsizing Has Cut Lower Level Workers the Most and Replacing Federal Employees with Private Corporations Costs Much More,Creating the Need for Immediate Reform

Abstract

The authors of this paper are four practitioners each of whom has many years of experience working in the Federal government and also has pursued doctoral studies in public or business administration. Three ideas developed in this paper are that: (1) the Federal civil service has been changed from being a model workplace to a much less desirable one; (2) although downsizing has been touted as an efficiency and economy measure, lower level employees experienced the most cuts and (3) the current practice of replacing Federal employees with private corporations costs much more. Over the past two decades private sector workplaces in the United States, and now the Federal government workplace, have experienced so much change that previous theories, concepts, models, and expectations no longer hold. Just as private industry workplaces have been changed by downsizing, reorganizations, mergers, elimination of middle management, and outsourcing, so, too, has the Federal government workplace been fundamentally altered. Reducing the number of government workers, replacing Federal employees with private firms, increasing the number of officials with political agendas, and using harsh personnel management practices have transfigured the Federal workplace. Examples of factors that have contributed to a changed workplace include: the Civil Service Reform Act which replaced the Civil Service Commission with the Office of Personnel Management; importing private sector approaches into the government, e.g., the Grace Commission; replacing the Civil Service Retirement System with the Federal Employees Retirement System; pressure to downsize and privatize; and many elements of the National Performance Review and Government Performance and Results Act. Now that the metamorphosis away from the traditional Civil Service borne of the Pendleton Act is nearly complete (although the new paradigm is not entirely clear), questions about the effects of a changed government workplace are being raised. Some people believe the metamorphosis is from a caterpillar to a butterfly, while others think the opposite. Whether the changed Federal government is a thing of beauty or a distasteful organism will be determined over time by observations and assessments of the effects of the change. These effects will be both internal to the government workplace, itself, and external to it, involving the products, services, outputs, and outcomes it produces. This paper begins by describing some of the politically mandated changes that have altered the very foundation of the Federal government workplace over the past 20 years and made it a much less desirable place to work. Next, some of the effects of two politically mandated changes are examined: (1) downsizing or reducing the number of Americans who can work for their government and (2) contracting out or replacing government workers with private corporations. Political officials have told the media and the American public that these changes were needed to improve the government's efficiency, effectiveness, and economy. It has been suggested that these initiatives will reduce costs. However, an examination of downsizing and contracting out shows the opposite effect. While overall the Federal government has fewer employees now than in 1961, the statistics indicate that lower level employees have been cut the most:

• The number of secretaries decreased by 39% between 1992 and 1998.

• The blue collar workforce is down 40% since 1982, e.g., Supply Clerical and Technician (?35%), Accounting Technician (?24%), and Electronics Mechanic (?41%).

• Between 1993 and 1998 the number of GS‐1 to GS‐10 employees fell from 767,000 to 594,000.

• In 1983 the number of GS‐1 to GS‐10 workers exceeded GS‐11 to GS‐15 by nearly 300,000, while in 1997 GS‐11 to GS‐15 outnumbered the lower level workers by 44,000.

Although authoritative cost comparison studies are difficult to conduct because top officials have made little provision to collect information on the cost of contracting with private firms or the number of contract employees, available information indicates that it is much more expensive than using government employees. The contracting out we are talking about is not the usual kind—building ships or planes, or acquiring computer systems or special expertise not available in the government. Rather, it is contracting with private firms to do jobs that are currently being performed by Federal employees. Not satisfied with the level at which firms are being substituted for Federal employees, actions by political officials have created an environment which now favors private corporations and where they can be given work at top management's discretion, often regardless of cost. In fact, today most contracting out is done without the use of Circular A‐76 Cost Comparison Studies. There is empirical and logical evidence that shows that replacing government employees with private corporations is more expensive. For example, a study by the Department of the Army documents what people close to contracting have always known—that it is far more expensive to contract with a private firm for work than to have Federal employees do it. Logically, the government incurs additional items of cost when replacing Federal employees with private corporations. First, there is the profit that goes to the firm. Second, there is the firm's overhead which pays for corporate offices, staffs, and CEOs. Third, there are the costs of the contracting and award process and of contract administration and management. Although the worker on a government contract may be paid a little less than a government worker, the cost of the worker is only a third to a half of what the government pays the firm. Thus, replacing government workers with private firms usually costs far more and it is not unusual for it to cost two to three times as much. This paper partly is based on the authors' long experience in the Federal government. It is not based on the organizations in which they are currently employed.     

城镇化带动背景下的贵州农民城镇化意愿分析

文章以大量的问卷和访谈为依据,结合相关数据资料对贵州农民的城镇化意愿做了详实的研究和分析,可为未来贵州人口城镇化的推进提供一定的参考。     

新时期青年农民工“文化反哺”现象初探

"文化反哺"即"逆向社会化",是一种自下而上的文化传承模式.当代青年农民工已初步具备"文化反哺"的能力,并有责任通过"文化反哺" 提高农村成人社会的现代社会适应能力.青年农民工"文化反哺" 在社会主义新农村建设中具有重要的社会价值.在肯定青年农民工"文化反哺"对农村社会进步的积极推动作用的同时,也要注意对其加以正确的引导.     

论我国农民参政权——基于2009年《选举法修正案草案》的现实思考

政治参与是衡量政治现代化的重要指标,是民主政治的重要内容。农民是中国最大的群体,却是政治参与的边缘群体。《选举法修正案草案》有望使农民获得真正意义上的平等选举权,更有机会参与国家政治生活;但应该在对其肯定的同时,更多地从我国农民参政所处的现状思考,通过对农民参政影响因素及现状分析,探寻一条适合国情的农民参政权的实现路径。     

塞林文化冲突理论的分析与适用——以广州城中村农民工犯罪为视角

文化冲突论是美国著名犯罪学家塞林最具代表性之学术贡献,而广州市城中村外来农民工犯罪现象则为塞林文化冲突理论的分析与适用提供了一个极好的研究样本。拓展眼光,坚持运用多种视角整合性观测评价犯罪原因,将有助于使犯罪学理论达致即深刻又全面的理想性综合发展形态。     

对农民工权益维护的宏观思考

贯彻胡锦涛总书记关于农民工的重要批示精神,辽宁省总工会对农民工权益问题进行了专题调研。工会组织要承担起维护农民工合法权益这一职责,就要把握农民工的规律性特点,科学界定农民工的阶级属性,客观评价农民工的历史性贡献,掌握农民工权益维护中存在的问题和原因,采取切实可行的维权举措,从建设和谐社会的高度重视农民工权益维护问题。     

新业态从业人员工伤保护的难点与对策

新业态发展已成为我国经济增长新动能之一,新产业、新业态、新模式等"三新"经济增加值在GDP中占有重要地位。与此同时,这些新环节、新链条和新活动形式催生的快递员、外卖送餐人员等"新业态从业人员"的事故伤害问题也引起广泛关注。但此类人群大都因缺乏传统劳动关系而难以被纳入现有工伤保护制度范围,进而成为新时代背景下平衡经济发展和增进人民福祉的难点。本文综述了国际上有关非正规就业者工伤问题的实证研究和保护难点,并据此探讨了其对我国当前经济发展背景下加强新业态从业人员工伤保护的启示。     

工会工作必须突出依法维权——二论贯彻落实工会工作指导方针

依法维权, 就是工会依据宪法和法律的规定, 维护工会自身和职工的合法权益, 其本质上是同维护全国人民总体利益一致的。依法维权是工会在向社会主义市场经济转变时期必须肩负的社会责任。该文剖析了工会和职工权益保障方面面临的挑战, 指出了当前突出依法维权应做好的几方面的工作