全文获取类型
收费全文 | 23052篇 |
免费 | 833篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 572篇 |
工人农民 | 998篇 |
世界政治 | 460篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1697篇 |
法律 | 5776篇 |
中国共产党 | 1149篇 |
中国政治 | 3159篇 |
政治理论 | 1652篇 |
综合类 | 8422篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 19篇 |
2023年 | 80篇 |
2022年 | 189篇 |
2021年 | 294篇 |
2020年 | 548篇 |
2019年 | 369篇 |
2018年 | 399篇 |
2017年 | 406篇 |
2016年 | 480篇 |
2015年 | 450篇 |
2014年 | 1282篇 |
2013年 | 1821篇 |
2012年 | 1557篇 |
2011年 | 1587篇 |
2010年 | 1452篇 |
2009年 | 1650篇 |
2008年 | 1732篇 |
2007年 | 1699篇 |
2006年 | 1705篇 |
2005年 | 1480篇 |
2004年 | 1417篇 |
2003年 | 1094篇 |
2002年 | 915篇 |
2001年 | 712篇 |
2000年 | 342篇 |
1999年 | 91篇 |
1998年 | 23篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
901.
The evidence of regional authoritarian clustering across different world regions goes together with the finding that after the end of the bipolar world regional patterns of interaction became more important. Especially in the 2000s a process of revitalisation of regional organisations and even the creation of new regional organisations took place. Interestingly, these newly founded organisations consist predominantly of authoritarian regimes. Due to the emergence and resilience of authoritarianism in the world, the question arises: To what extent do regional organisations (ROs) play a role in this phenomenon? We argue that authoritarian protagonists which we call authoritarian gravity centres (AGCs) constitute a force of attraction for countries in geopolitical proximity – and use ROs as a transmission belt and a learning room for disseminating autocratic elements. In a cross-regional comparison, based on extensive field work, we provide empirical analysis on two AGCs (Saudi Arabia and Venezuela) within their respective ROs Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP) and tackle the questions of why and how autocracies decide to move forward multilaterally within the RO. 相似文献
902.
Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government’s role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. 相似文献
903.
904.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(3):187-195
This paper attempts to explain the process of institutional transition of post-communist countries applying conceptual framework proposed by D.C. North, J. J. Wallis, and B. R. Weingast. The first part of the article is devoted to outline the theory of North, Weingast, and Wallis. The second part the theory is used to analyze transformation processes in post-communist countries. An important conclusion of this paper is that cultural, religious and historical factors have crucial impact on formation of new coalitions of elites in the transitions countries. In the countries where Western values were present the transfer of the market and democratic formal institutions was easier. Also, the process of transformation was strongly influenced by external factors, especially the prospect of integration with the European Union, which encouraged elites to take action that benefited the opening of both political and economic markets. These observations suggest that, in general, the success of transformation in transition countries did not depend on the intentional actions of ruling elites. 相似文献
905.
This article is an analysis of the changing role of research on local governments in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) within mainstream European studies. It refers to dependency theory (Wallerstein, Prebish) as applied to scientific research. It classifies CEE as being in the semi-periphery of academic research. The empirical analysis consists of two parts: (1) qualitative review of the most important of the comparative studies of European local governments. It includes a discussion on the role of local governments and researchers from CEE in these studies; (2) quantitative based on an analysis of articles published in international journals and citations for those articles in Scopus. The analysis covers 14 countries (all new member states who joined the EU from 2004 onwards, plus the Balkan countries: Albania, Macedonia, and Serbia). 相似文献
906.
Bosmat Yefet 《中东研究》2019,55(4):638-654
This article discusses the Muslim discourse concerning the Coptic Christian minority since the 2000s in Egypt. Emphasizing the effects of the January 2011 uprising, the paper analyzes the role of nationalism and the national unity discourse in suppressing the debate regarding discrimination against the Copts. Despite the fissures that were created in the discourse, which rejects any reference to discrimination against the Copts, the Coptic issue remains trapped among the contested interpretations of national unity. All narratives of national unity and Egyptian essence, whether the official one pursued by the regime or the one promoted by pro-democracy activists, require the Copts to suppress their demand for rights for the sake of national unity. Adherence to the national unity discourse by all forces precludes the possibility of developing a form of nationalism or a national culture which embodies pluralism of identities and cultures and reinforces the role of nationalism as a tool for stifling pluralism and democracy for all Egyptians, whether Muslim majority or minorities. 相似文献
907.
908.
ALEXANDRA KELSO 《The Political quarterly》2009,80(3):329-338
In May 2009, revelations made in The Daily Telegraph about the way that MPs had used and abused the House of Commons expenses and allowances regime threw the British political system into turmoil, forced the resignation of the Speaker of the Commons along with a number of implicated MPs, and ignited talk about a crisis in parliamentary democracy and a collapse of public trust in politics. This article explores the events that led to this situation, from the structure of MPs pay and allowance system, the Freedom of Information context that framed the disaster, and the crisis of transparency which the House of Commons has itself precipitated. It argues that, talk of parliamentary reform aside, MPs must radically rethink the way that they approach their representative role and the nature of their broader engagement with the public they claim to serve. 相似文献
909.
Roberto G. Gonzales 《Society》2009,46(5):419-422
Changes in immigration laws over the last three to four decades have given rise to unprecedented numbers of undocumented children.
However, as others have argued, policies regarding the control of undocumented migration have had deleterious effects on undocumented
children and their basic access to social rights. Undocumented youth in the United States can legally attend K-12 education,
but cannot legally work, vote, receive financial aid, or drive in most states. Their situation calls for a reexamination of
immigration laws and a recasting of the frame that has been used to promote their inclusion.
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
Roberto G. GonzalesEmail: |
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
910.
Dominique Schnapper 《Society》2009,46(2):175-179
Modern democracies increasingly confuse civic or political equality with a radical relativism that calls into question legitimate
principles of hierarchy and the very idea of reasonable value judgments. This confusion reflects a “corruption,” in Montesquieu’s
sense, of democracy rooted in a refusal to recognize distinctions that are integral to both human nature and social life.
A moderate form of cultural relativism is a genuine intellectual achievement that helps combat ethnocentrism and allows one
to better appreciate the full range of human experience. But criteria of meaning and truth are by no means entirely dependent
upon cultural context. Our contemporary awareness of the “relativity” of cultures and historical experiences must be complemented
by a robust appreciation of the universality of Reason and citizenship.
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
Dominique SchnapperEmail: |
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献