论死刑的立法限制--基于国际标准的分析

限制直至废除死刑的国际标准,已在世界范围内得到普遍认同和推广.限于我国实情,当前不能废除死刑.但应立足国际人权公约标准,严格限制我国死刑立法.死刑实体立法限制表现为科学削减死刑罪名,限缩死刑适用对象.死刑程序立法限制表现为完善面临死刑者的诉讼权利、死刑执行方式与死刑减刑制度,并增设死刑赦免制度.     

谈我国刑法的属地管辖权

我国刑法的属地管辖适用于我国领域内,对于在我国拟制领土即船舶和航空器内发生的犯罪适用我国刑法,对于在我国领域的延伸即驻外使领馆内发生的犯罪也适用我国刑法。     

社会保险基金之刑法保护

社会保险基金事关全面建设小康社会的宏伟目标,其安全性和完整性应当得到充分全面的刑法保护。在我国统账结合的社会保险体制下,社会统筹基金和个人账户基金具有不同的刑法属性,其主管者社会保险经办机构是国有事业单位。针对社会保险基金的犯罪充斥于征缴、管理、投资、监管的全过程,刑法在对部分行为坚决惩治的同时,在某些场合也显得束手无策、力不从心。面对刑法保护不力的尴尬局面,有必要以《社会保险法（草案）》为契机进行充实和完善。     

Tracing the Gordian Knot: Indeterminate‐Sentenced Prisoners and the Pathologies of English Penal Politics

This article explores some of the key pathologies of English penal politics by applying an interpretive political analysis perspective to the specific issue of the plight of the ‘prisoners left behind’, the thousands of indeterminate‐sentenced IPP (imprisonment for public protection) prisoners who remain incarcerated, notwithstanding the abolition in 2012 of this sentencing option targeted at ‘dangerous offenders’. The article draws on research findings from an ESRC funded study of penal policymaking to examine why the Gordian knot of the prisoners left behind has proved to be so hard to untangle. The broader lessons of this specific story are then set out. In particular, it is argued that the public and political debate around criminal justice has become damagingly narrow over recent years.     

Media and Punitive Populism in Argentina and Chile

Punitive populism is common throughout Latin America. It involves political and public opinion support for more police officers, greater police autonomy, and tougher laws to punish crime—options that often perpetuate old police practices and resist police reform efforts. This article critically examines the role of the media in fostering punitive populism by examining the sources used by journalists. Comparing the ‘most different’ cases of Argentina and Chile and drawing on interviews conducted from 2009 to 2015, I argue that the choices made by journalists regarding their sources are affected by neoliberal media policies in a particular way that favours tough‐on‐crime discourses.     

Effective Detention: The Development of a Policy

The Dutch Prison Service developed a new policy on indoor employment programmes. The development of this policy, the definition of these programmes and the chosen methodology of Individual Employment Counselling is described. Also some examples of good practice are given. We learned a great deal from good practice, from external advisors, from co-operation with partners like employers, probation services, local authorities and from comparable programmes in other European countries. The development of these programmes was supported by changes in the prison service, economic growth in the Netherlands, a new employment policy initiated by the Dutch government, and by sub-financing of the European Social Fund. Future challenges are: better matching of prisoners (their motivations, their capacities and handicaps) with the programmes, further development of co-operation with partners and the implementation of a good monitoring system.     

试论死刑的存废及我国刑罚体系的完善

废除或者严格限制死刑的适用已经成为世界性潮流。但是我国在短时期内废除死刑的条件还不成熟。为了适应新形势需要、打击犯罪,有必要对我国现有的刑事惩罚体系进行改革。应在保留死刑的基础上严格控制死刑的使用,真正发挥死刑的震慑作用;对已不能适应新形势需要的死缓制度加以废除;完善对无期徒刑的使用;提高执法水平,使刑罚的威慑力真正落实到位。     

论非法经营罪的几个问题

非法经营罪的“其他严重扰乱市场秩序的非法经营行为”概括抽象，故有人认为该罪已成新的“口袋罪”，应分解或废除。理解此款只要遵循有附属刑法、行政法规、司法解释的明文规定且可追究刑责才纳入的原则，此罪就无侵犯罪刑法定原则之虑；中国现继续深化改革国情决定此罪应有灵活性，没必要分解或废除：修正案（七）颁布后的传销行为不能再定本罪。无经营主体资格出版、印刷、销售他人享有着作权的作品的，其行为既符合本罪又符合侵犯他人着作权罪或销售侵权复制品罪，属于法条竞合犯，应以后者定处。     

论我国前科报告制度的废止

前科报告制度在维护社会秩序、惩罚犯罪分子以及促进社会诚信意识的形成等方面具有不可磨灭的重要作用。但其"先天畸形"的特点却日益成为行为人在服刑完毕后回归社会的阻碍,因此有必要逐步加以废止。本文在讨论前科报告制度概念和外延的基础上,对我国建国以来前科报告制度进行了反思,进而提出了逐步废止前科报告制度的立法建议。     

Radical Pragmatism

Abstract

The article introduces radical pragmatism, an approach to working with girls in conflict with the law based on experience, research, and theory, including an analysis of the structural and gendered inequities in which girls live and make choices. There are three components. First, abolish punitive practices and stereotypes that do not attend to girls' requirements of well-being. Second, expand what does work, including the effective, efficient community and school programs that prevent crime and promote well-being as well as differential interventions and compensatory, restorative initiatives for individual girls and groups. Third, politicize the need for equity and human rights by listening to what girls say they require to heal the hurts and prevent additional ones and by ensuring parity in funds and programs that build on what girls require.