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41.
In this paper we examine the legal aspects of corporate computer usage policies including their creation, management, and their relevance to corporate computer forensic investigations. Misuse of corporate computing facilities cannot only lead to a reduction in employee productivity and network bandwidth, but can also increase the risk of infection of such facilities by computer viruses and other malicious code. Moreover, it may lead to the risk of liability and legal action.  相似文献   
42.
宽严相济的刑事政策是党和国家在建设社会主义和谐社会过程中提出的刑事司法政策,在贯彻过程中应当注重与建设和谐社会的背景相适应,调动一切积极因素打击和控制犯罪.为此,我们应当结合人格刑法理论,在定罪、量刑与行刑时,充分考虑行为人的人格,抛弃传统的刑罚万能观念,该宽则宽,该严要严,二者结合,充分发挥刑事政策的作用.  相似文献   
43.
This paper applies the poliheuristic theory of foreign policy decision making to non-democratic states. Poliheuristic theory asserts that state leaders assign primary importance to their political survival; however, the meaning of "the political" varies dramatically from country to country. Furthermore, the types of actors who hold leaders politically accountable also vary between countries. Consequently, leaders often pursue vastly different means of ensuring their political survival. The author uses the common distinction between single-party, military, and personalist autocracies to show that apparently arbitrary differences in autocratic leaders' political concerns actually vary in systematic and potentially predictable ways. Because this argument is generalized to non-democratic states as a whole, it has important implications for the ways in which democratic states craft their policies toward autocracies.  相似文献   
44.
对建立我国禁毒工作评估体系的设想   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
为进一步分析、预测和研究禁毒工作形势的发展趋势,正确决策我国的禁毒方针,切实增强各级党政领导抓禁毒工作的责任意识,确保社会安定和人民群众安居乐业,国家禁毒委应建立健全禁毒工作评估的相关制度及评估措施,有步骤地做到阶段性评估与年度评估、专项评估与全面评估、自我评估与专家评估相结合,最终形成动态状况下科学评估禁毒工作的体系。  相似文献   
45.
刑法机能产生的制度基础   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
周少华 《法律科学》2005,23(3):41-53
刑法的整体机能是由刑法的诸多构成要素共同相互作用的结果,但是,对于刑法的每一种具体机能来说,其产生却分别由刑法不同的构成要素所决定。考察刑法机能产生的制度基础,其实践上的意义在于:我们可以在对刑法机能与刑法构成要素之间的关系进行充分了解的基础上,通过优化刑法的结构而建构刑法机能的良性机制;以技术手段增加刑法的有效性,使刑法真正成为有目的的社会控制手段。  相似文献   
46.
Empathy is defined as an affect more appropriate to another's situation than to one's own. The paper (i) summarizes different modes of empathic affect arousal; (ii) shows how empathic affect may interact with social-cognitive development, to produce four levels of empathy development; (iii) suggests that causal attributions may transform empathic affect into sympathy, guilt, and empathic anger, which are major moral affects; (iv) discusses how these affects may influence moral judgment and behavior; (v) points up empathic morality's limitations and the need to embed empathy in relevant moral principles; (vi) discusses possible links between empathy and justice principles, with special focus on Rawls; (vii) illustrates the interplay of empathy, moral judgment, and justice; and (viii) suggests that moral principles may become hot cognitions.  相似文献   
47.
张望 《国际安全研究》2021,39(2):86-106
日本的对华外交深受国际体系和中美日三角关系的影响。由于中美两个大国在全球层面的战略竞争加剧,以2017年为分水岭,第二次安倍内阁领导下的日本的整体对华外交政策经历了从"战略制衡"向"战术避险"方向的转变。在2017年以前,日本为了联美对华实施"战略制衡",在外交方面,以"印太战略"孤立中国;在安全方面,加强岛屿防卫能力和强化日美同盟;在经济方面,大力支持"跨太平洋伙伴关系协定"和对"一带一路"倡议持冷淡态度。在2017年以后,在中美关系的不确定性增大的情况下,安倍领导下的日本对华实施"战术避险"。在外交方面,加强印太战略的开放性、领导人互访和对华自制;在安全方面,继续强化国防上的内部制衡;在经济方面,有条件地认同"一带一路"倡议并对华展开第三方市场合作。展望未来,令和时代的日本将是一个拥有部分战略自主的中等强国,在日美同盟框架下维持与中国有距离的交往,力图在瞬息万变的国际政治角力中实现日本国家利益的最大化。  相似文献   
48.
This article examines whether spending decisions in Swiss cantons are interdependent, that is, whether the spending decisions of a canton are influenced by those of other cantons. Theoretically, fiscal policy imitation among cantons can be interpreted as a process of policy and innovation diffusion, as a result of tax competition or as a consequence of federalism as a policy laboratory. The panel analysis presented in this article provides evidence of the existence of budget spillovers among neighbouring cantons. Cantonal governments do not take spending decisions in isolation, but by systematically comparing the fiscal policies in neighbouring cantons.  相似文献   
49.
50.
A comparison of Japan's and Switzerland's immigration policies disclaims both globalist and public choice explanations that would predict a similar increase in immigrant numbers and an expansion of immigrant rights in liberal democracies. Although both countries have traditionally espoused a rather exclusionary approach towards immigration, Japan is unique in having hitherto succeeded in preempting large numbers of immigrants from entering the country and in having avoided the legal and societal integration of those migrants already present in its territory. In seeking to explain the different trajectories followed by immigration politics in Japan and Switzerland, despite their similar internal and external economic constellations, this article highlights the role of domestic institutions and norms in filtering economic pressure for immigration. Whereas these internal determinants explain to a large degree why Switzerland has become a country of immigration while Japan has not, the central factor explaining the recent expansion of foreign residents’ rights in Switzerland lies not so much in internal determinants but in the country‘s progressing approximation to the European Union and its single market. Notwithstanding these differences, the article concludes that Japan‘s greater resistance to change might now have reached a critical juncture, where demographic pressure and economic demand will make an opening up to increased labor migration unavoidable.  相似文献   
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