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881.
在对安徽省新生代农民工访谈和调研的基础上,探讨新生代农民工维权保障在政治认同中的作用。由于城乡二元结构导致的分野,使新生代农民工在身份定位上、权益保障上、利益诉求表达渠道上遭遇众多尴尬、困惑和迷茫。为此,应高度重视对新生代农民工维权的保障,采取积极有效的政策和措施,从法律制度建设和政府行政效率提升入手,不断创新维权保障路径,增强安徽新生代农民工的政治认同。  相似文献   
882.
在教学过程中,一名大学思政课老师应当针对教学对象特点真正把学生当作教学主体,用理论掌握学生,创新教学方式,开创第二课堂,说理透彻,以理服人,以身作则,紧扣社会热点,贴近学生实际,取得了良好的教学效果。为了进一步提升思政课的教学效果,思政课教学要树立正确的教育目的,思政课老师要着重培养学生的独立思考能力和独立人格,注重启发教育,改革考试内容和形式,加强实践环节教学。  相似文献   
883.
This article investigates whether the smaller gender gaps in political engagement, found in more proportional electoral systems, translate into smaller gender differences in political participation. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, it presents the argument that more proportional systems may send signals that multiple interests are included in the policy‐making process, which may increase women's levels of political participation and thereby reduce gender gaps. Additionally, the article tests for the possibility that a greater number of political parties and the elected representatives they provide act as barriers to political participation that have a greater impact on women's levels of participation than men's. It is argued that women's lower levels of political resources and engagement might create more difficult barriers for them than for men. Results lend little support for the first hypothesis, but a greater confirmation for the second.  相似文献   
884.
885.
现代法治之成功依赖公民之政治成熟,而适格公民之造就亦是法治之结果。中国法治进程中出现的一些问题与公民直接相关,例如公民普遍违法,公民对违法行为普遍保持沉默,公民对立法与法律实施影响较弱等等。而法治中国之推进离不开适格公民之参与。因此,亟需对公民进行培育,具体方案包括两个方面内容:一是在中小学阶段加强公民教育以提升其素质,二是有序扩大公民政治参与以提高公民政治实践能力。  相似文献   
886.
调查显示,民族地区大部分基层民警思想政治觉悟较高,但部分民警的职业认同感不强,工作压力大,有职业倦怠情绪,主要是工作任务重、执法环境严峻、工资福利不理想、业务能力有限等因素造成的。必须做好基层民警的思想政治工作,完善激励机制激发民警的工作积极性,健全民警心理压力疏导机制,正确处理公安机关与大众传媒的关系,缓解民警的思想压力,提高工作效率。  相似文献   
887.
The recent debate over the changes to the ‘Life in the UK’ citizenship test offers another opportunity to reflect on the testing of would-be citizens in liberal democracies. The citizenship test has often been understood as part of the ‘strengthening’ of national borders: set within a discourse of fears over high levels of migration and the risk to cultural homogeneity. Furthermore, it has been viewed as an illustration of the death of multiculturalism and presented as an illiberal strategy of cultural assimilation. I propose that whilst the notion of ‘testing’ is built out of fears regarding ‘threatening’ difference and ‘community cohesion’, what the UK testing process presents is an explicitly liberal strategy of governing. Drawing on the history of the test, I suggest that it is not purely a mechanism of restriction but that it also relies on strategies of responsibility, empowerment and ‘self-improvement’. The citizenship test, alongside other recent border strategies, may be better understood as representing a fascinating nexus between advanced liberal ideas of governing and concerns regarding (in)security. I argue that studying the test in this way offers up vital questions about how community and political membership continues to be shaped in late modernity.  相似文献   
888.
This article proposes a new analytical framework for the study of political careers in multi-level systems. It is argued that the study of vertical movements between political arenas, which constitutes the prevalent methodological approach in the literature on political careers, should be complemented by the study of horizontal movements within political arenas. Based on a longitudinal analysis of individual political careers, the micro-approach developed in this article allows the comprehension of all territorial dynamics of political careers in multi-level systems. Based on an in-depth case study of all 419 Walloon careers in Belgium, four career patterns are identified: national careers, regional careers, multi-level careers and discrete careers. Although Belgium presents an integrated structure of opportunity, it is demonstrated that key evidences underline the prevalence of a regional and a national political class along a highly integrated political elites.  相似文献   
889.
Support for decentralization has generally been considered an outcome derived from the existence of regional or subnational identities. A recent complementary explanation has highlighted the role of politics to create regionally orientated support. We combine these two explanations by studying what determines the support for decentralization in Spain, an almost unique case where these two approaches can be tested. Using a hierarchical model, we show that in those regions without a different subnational identity, some citizens develop regionally orientated support because of their wish to bring the administration closer to the citizens and because their preferred party is pushing for further decentralization. In addition, we highlight the importance of considering decentralization as an outcome derived from party dynamics, which are able to shape political attitudes towards decentralization.  相似文献   
890.
In this short piece, I explore Seyla Benhabib’s suggestion that hijab controversies can be interpreted as a return of political theology. I first clarify what political theology is; I then ask what it means to talk about a ‘return’ to it in relation to hijab controversies; and I finally ponder how much of the return of political theology is a genuine challenge to secular political theory.  相似文献   
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