“三个代表”重要思想与当代中国政治体制改革

从生产力发展要求的层面来看,政治体制改革在客观上要适应经济体制改革的需要;从政治文化的角度来看,"三个代表"重要思想为政治体制改革提供了智力和思想上的支持;从代表最广大人民的根本利益来看,"三个代表"重要思想指明了当代中国政治体制改革的根本目的.     

思想政治工作信息学论纲

思想政治工作信息学的提出是思想政治工作信息化发展的要求。构建思想政治工作信息学既有思想政治工作学的理论支撑,也有信息科学的理论支撑。思想政治工作信息学以独有的、可以界定的思想政治工作信息作为学科研究对象,以关于思想政治工作信息认识、生成、开发、运用、管理以及技术的理论作为自己的学科知识体系。研究思想政治工作信息学必须坚持以唯物主义世界观和方法论为指导,在实现思想政治工作学与信息学的有机结合上下功夫,坚持在思想政治工作的系统环境中研究思想政治工作信息的具体问题。     

当前国有企业股份制改造与党建工作面临的挑战

党的十六届三中全会“股份制是公有制的主要实现形式”这一在所有制结构问题上的理论突破,使国有企业党建工作的环境、条件和要求发生了变化,面临新的挑战。在角色定位上,无论企业产权关系怎样变化,必须坚持企业党组织的政治核心作用不改变;在职能定位上,企业党组织要紧紧围绕发挥政治核心作用这个主题,在“参与决策”和“党管干部两个关键环节上创新工作方式,在实践中找准切入点。     

毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献

党的建设是一个伟大的历史过程，要推进党的建设新的伟大工程，必须对八十多年来党的建设的理论与实践进行认真的研究。而研究毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献对于加强和改进党的建设仍具有深远的意义。毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献主要表现在：着重从思想上、政治上和组织上建党，党的建设要与党的政治路线相联系，民主集中制是党的组织原则，要毫不动摇地坚持党的领导权，走群众路线。     

试论政治合法性与中国共产党组织基础的扩展

现代化的进程,就是对社会力量不断进行整合的过程。从历史—现实的维度与合法性的视角看,中国共产党组织基础是一个不断扩展的过程,也是中国共产党政治合法性基础不断增强的过程。尤其是当今市场经济的发展,中国原有的力量分布格局发生了变化,社会阶层进一步分化,这对中国共产党的组织发展提出了新的要求。以江泽民为代表的中国共产党人,审时度势,大胆进行理论创新,提出新的政治思路,基本解决了这个新问题,因而扩大了中国共产党的组织基础,增强了中国共产党执政合法性基础。     

适应军事变革要求推进军队政治工作的创新发展

新军事变革的发展给我军政治工作带来的挑战,要求我军政治工作从转变观念入手,与时俱进,改革创新,使我军政治工作不断适应新形势的需要,为赢得未来战争的胜利提供服务保证.     

解读统一战线与社会主义政治文明

社会主义政治文明是一种新型的、有民主的政治文明,其实质是人民民主的政治文明。社会主义政治文明最基本的内容是把党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国三个方面有机统一起来。正确认识统一战线与政治文明的关系,充分发挥统一战线的独特优势,将有助于全面推进中国特色的社会主义事业。     

Facing the future: young people's awareness of the 2001 British general election advertising campaigns

This paper presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British general election. It investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements—to some degree—are penetrating the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications