辛亥革命与中国政治现代化的初步尝试

政治现代化是中国社会现代化的基本前提.政治现代化主要包括政治的转移和新政权的制度化等方面的内容.辛亥革命的功绩就是在于它通过暴力的手段推翻了中国现代化的最大障碍--清王朝的的封建统治,同时,对中国的政治现代化进行了初步的探索,从而为中国现代化的发展在一定程度上扫清了道路.     

大学生日常管理中学校归属感的培育——基于福建五所本科高校的调研

高校是大学生生活的基本空间,学生对学校的归属感直接影响学生人生观和价值观的形成,同时也影响着学生对国家和社会归属感的建立,提升大学生的学校归属感具有重要的现实意义。要提升大学生学校归属感,就需要高校明晰思想政治教育层次,转变思想政治教育模式;推进大学生朋辈辅导计划,构建和谐校园人际关系;改善学校的软硬件,注重校园文化建设;丰富第二课堂活动,带动学生社团发展,切实在大学生学校归属感培育上取得实效。     

对当前学校思想政治工作的几点思考

在新时期,学校的思想政治工作面临着严峻的挑战,要做好学校的思想政治工作需从以下几方面努力1.要形成齐抓共管的育人格局;2.方式要灵活多样;3.营造良好的教育氛围;4.注重言传身教.     

加强党风建设,努力实现“三个代表”

加强党的建设,实现“三个代表”的根本目的在于保证党和人民的血肉联系。所以,必须用“三个代表”的要求规范党的活动,夯实我党执政的合法性基础,批判地继承和吸收人类政治文明的优秀成果。     

法律视野中的军队政治工作

当代 ,以信息技术为核心的高新技术的发展 ,带来了一场广泛而深刻的军事变革。这场变革不仅要求我军加快发展高新技术武器装备 ,实现国防现代化 ,而且要求加快我军的政治工作改革 ,以实现政治工作的现代化。改革的举措之一 ,就是把握依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家这一时代脉搏 ,努力推进军队政治工作法制建设的进程。面对军队政治工作内容的“传统性” ,军队政治工作方法的“柔弱性” ,军队政治工作行为的易“偏向性” ,需要在军队政治工作领域充分运用现代的治军措施———法律的特有的功能 ,以推进我军政治工作的改革、发展和完善。     

Unity Without Totalitarianism: Tensions Within Normativity

Although he did not invent the term, Jürgen Habermas has popularised “constitutional patriotism” as a form of political unity that avoids excessive nationalism. This paper attempts to examine the link between emotivism and normativity that has otherwise been excluded from Habermas’s notion of constitutional patriotism. Beyond Habermas, political theory as a whole has not yet taken emotivism as a serious component of normativity. Rather than developing it in isolation, this paper attempts to reconcile emotivism with cognitive-normative practices found within rational deliberation. Reconciling the two not only provides a better normative steering component for judging good from bad practices, but also depicts contemporary political practices more accurately. In sum, constitutional patriotism’s normativity must be sourced from a complex integration of emotion and cognition, or put another way, from the interplay between citizens’ moral sentiments and rational judgements.     

Malapportionment and democracy: A curvilinear relationship

This article examines electoral malapportionment by illuminating the relationship between malapportionment level and democracy. Although a seminal study rejects this relationship, we argue that a logical and empirically significant relationship exists, which is curvilinear and is based on a framework focusing on incumbent politicians' incentives and the constraints they face regarding malapportionment. Malapportionment is lowest in established democracies and electoral authoritarian regimes with an overwhelmingly strong incumbent; it is relatively high in new democracies and authoritarian regimes with robust opposition forces. The seminal study's null finding is due to the mismatch between theoretical mechanisms and choice of democracy indices. Employing an original cross-national dataset, we conduct regression analyses; the results support our claims. Furthermore, on controlling the degree of democracy, the single-member district system's effects become insignificant. Australia, Belarus, the Gambia, Japan, Malaysia, Tunisia, and the United States illustrate the political logic underlying curvilinear relations at democracy's various levels.     

The role of electoral geography in the territorialization of party systems

When does a country's social structure foster the development of territorialized party systems? This article argues that electoral geography – defined as the interaction between the geography of social diversity and electoral rules– is key to answering this question. I make two claims: first, the impact of geographically concentrated diversity on party system territorialization depends on the proportionality of electoral rules. Second, the types of geographic cleavages (ethnic versus economic) and whether they are overlapping or cross-cutting also affects the likelihood of party system territorialization (conditional on the electoral system). I test these claims with an original dataset measuring party system territorialization in 382 elections across 60 countries that also includes comparable cross-national measures of different types of geographically concentrated diversity (language, race, religion and income). The main conclusion is that proportional electoral systems and cross-cutting cleavages can act as a powerful constraint on the translation of territorial ethnic cleavages into territorialized party systems.     

Can We Blame it on Rio?

The Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games were the last major sporting event in a decade‐long cycle in the Brazilian metropolis. In the years leading up to the Rio 2016 Summer Olympic Games, the city's urban planning agenda was captured by the exogenous demands of hosting the quadrennial spectacular. This capture has exacerbated four tendencies that will pertain in Rio de Janeiro for the foreseeable future: consolidation of consumer sovereignty, restructuring of urban circulations, financialisation of urban territories, and securitisation of exception.     

高校网络建设与学生思想政治工作

网络不仅仅是虚拟的空间,人们在前往网络化空间的时候,既迎来了福音,也产生了麻烦。如不良信息、虚假信息和黄毒通过网络渠道广泛传播,沉溺于网上聊天、网上恋爱、网络游戏等现象已经成为一个值得高度重视的问题,也对公安高校学生产生了不可忽视的负面影响。高校的学生思想政治工作,必须紧跟网络发展的步伐,认真学习网络技术知识,占领网络阵地,掌握网上思想政治工作的主动权。