犬细小病毒JL-(18)1/Beagle株的分离鉴定及遗传进化分析

为研究犬细小病毒(CPV)流行株遗传变异情况,本研究从吉林省某比格犬养殖场采集疑似CPV感染致死犬的肠道组织,将病料接种至F81细胞进行病毒分离,并通过电镜形态学、PCR、血凝试验及动物回归试验进行鉴定。结果显示,所分离的这株病毒在F81细胞中产生了典型CPV细胞病变(CPE);在电镜下可见病毒呈无囊膜、直径为20 nm左右的病毒粒子;PCR鉴定证实CPV核酸呈阳性;血凝试验表明此病毒对猪红细胞具有凝集作用,血凝效价为1∶256;将这株病毒命名为JL-(18)1/Beagle。动物回归试验表明,JL-(18)1/Beagle使比格犬产生犬细小病毒感染的典型临床症状;以NS1基因进行遗传进化分析显示,JL-(18)1/Beagle与CPV-2c型分离株CPV-SH1516以及Canine/China/23/2017 NS1基因亲缘关系较近,而核苷酸相似率为100%;以VP2基因进行遗传进化分析显示,JL-(18)1/Beagle与New CPV-2b型CPV/CN/JL3/2013、CPV/CN/HB1/2013和CPV/CN/JL6/2013亲缘关系较近,核苷酸相似率为99.89%~99.94%;以VP2蛋白氨基酸进行序列分析表明,JL-(18)1/Beagle属于New CPV-2b型,与近期吉林CPV分离株相比,关键氨基酸位点无明显变化。因此,本试验从吉林省比格犬肠组织中分离到1株New CPV-2b型CPV毒株。     

Ausmaß, Strukturen und Implikationen präsidialer Macht im postkommunistischen Raum

This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures.     

Zwischen Kultur und Kalkül? Vertrauen und Sozialkapital im Kontext der neoinstitutionalistischen Wende

Trust and social capital work in social networks as informal institutions, favouring cooperation between the participants of such social interaction. However, the increasing use of both terms has been accompanied by vanishing conceptual and theoretical precision. In order to counterbalance this development this article tries to clarify some of the major puzzles connected with both terms. First, we embed trust and social capital within the institutionalist turn in political science. Second however, we demonstrate that trust and social capital have been modelled from at least two perspectives: sociological institutionalism and economic institutionalism. Furthermore, attempts of combining those approaches have lead to decreasing theoretical consistency. Finally, we propose that economic institutionalism is theoretically and empirically more fruitful to explain the creation and destruction of social capital.     

Does Federalism Matter for Biopolicies? Switzerland in Comparative Perspective

This article analyses how federalism matters for the policy‐designing process and the resulting policies in the field of Assisted Reproductive Technology through the comparison of four countries, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium and Canada. It reconstructs from an actor‐centred perspective how federalism interacts with other country and policy‐field specific characteristics and empirically assesses how this interaction influenced the final policies. By focusing on Assisted Reproductive Technology, the article examines the potential influence of federalism on public policies beyond the standard discussion of the comparative political economy of federalism.     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

论笔迹“个性”特征

运用个性特征做出鉴定结论 ,必须把握住个性特征的三个基本特性 ,同时 ,要注意确认个性特征的基本方法。个性特征的发展往往可以起到“以一当十”的作用 ,它是笔迹鉴定的关键性特征 ,也是正确定案的基本条件。笔者认为 ,对鉴定所依据的笔迹特征进行探讨是十分必要的。     

360度评价实践理性刍议

如何客观、公正、准确地对员工的效绩作出评价,发现他们个人能力的优势方面与发展需要,真正做到人职匹配,是当前人力资源管理与实践亟待探讨和解决的重要问题。360度反馈评价模式就是近些年来国外人力资源部门常用的一种个人效绩与职业发展评估工具。其理论基础是心理测量学中的真分数理论。真分数理论的基本思想是把测验和考核的得分,看作是由真分数和误差分的线性组合。     

都市民族社区的宗教生活与文化认同--昆明顺城街回族社区调查

长期以来,昆明顺城街回族社区居民共同的宗教生活,促成了他们对本民族文化的认同,维系了回族社区的存在。但在现代文化的冲击和都市文化的濡化下,该地区居民的宗教信仰和宗教活动也发生着不断的变化,出现了中老年人对伊斯兰教更虔诚,对本民族的文化认同感增强,而年轻人却与之相悖而行的状况。