Whitehall and the Refugees: The 1930s and the 1990s

Abstract

In this paper, originally presented on the occasion of the launch of her book concerning British immigration policy towards Jewish refugees from 1933 to 1948, London compares that past with present British immigration policy and attitudes towards it. She argues, above all, that the same worry about the long-term effects of immigration—that is, that refugees would settle in the country and not return home or move on—that very much influenced the tendency to inhibit aid to Jewish refugees in the 1930s and 1940s, is still very much alive today. While the legal situation of refugees and the kinds of persecution from which they seek refuge are different in the two periods in question, the 1930s and the 1990s—there are now, for instance, international conventions on refugees to which Britain is a signatory—British immigration policies of both periods are marked by many of the same priorities and many of the same attitudes towards and perceptions of refugees. In closing, she sounds a warning that an understanding of the past, crucial as it is, should not be mistakenly used to justify a lack of humanity in the present.     

Blair's Commission for Africa: Problems and Prospects for UK Policy

This article examines the recommendations contained within the Commission for Africa's report Our Common Interest , and asks what they might mean for the UK's Africa policies. After discussing the choice of the Commissioners and summarising the main recommendations made in their report, the article identifies some of the central problems raised but not resolved by the Commission in the relation to issues of security, political economy and governance. The article concludes that the Commission's report raised the profile of an important set of issues but neither resolved them conceptually nor set out a persuasive plan to implement its numerous recommendations. In particular, the Commission did not convincingly explain how neo-patrimonial regimes in Africa could be reformed to ensure that they pursue genuinely national development policies instead of the current strategies that benefit their supporters and weaken their political opponents.     

浅析加拿大多元文化政策的成因及其族裔问题

从建国之初的一元文化主义到20世纪中期的二元文化主义与多元文化主义，加拿大的民族文化政策经历了戏剧性的变化，这既有其历史成因，也有其现实环境。加拿大多元文化政策在协调与解决多民族国家共存的族裔矛盾、保持民族文化多样性问题上具有相当大的示范作用。但是，制定政策的理想性与政策执行的现实性之间的矛盾、政策存在的短暂历史空间以及移民源国复杂而又多样的文化差异性，注定了其在实施过程中步履维艰。因而，了解与分析加拿大多元文化政策所给予的训示具有现实意义。     

英国及我国香港警察机关职位分类的含义、内容与特点

英国及我国香港警察机关的职位分类是以工作岗位为中心、以提高工作效率为目标的一种较为规范、科学的任职人员分类模式 ,它克服了因人设事、因人设岗、因人设职的弊端 ,避免了执法权力的流失、误用、滥用的现象 ,真实反映了各类任职人员的责任及付出大小 ,明确了警察执法岗位的专业性与专门性 ,对改革以人及其等级为中心的带有浓重品位分类色彩的公安机关人员分类制度 ,激发公安民警的工作积极性 ,提高工作效率 ,有重要参考价值。     

The truth about youth? Media portrayals of young people and politics in Britain

Some forms of political participation in Britain appear to be in crisis. Official rates of turnout are alarmingly poor and the sub‐population least likely to participate in general—and vote in particular—is the youngest section of society. Moreover, the way that the media and and politicians have responded to the apparent crisis of youth participation has become a self‐fulfilling prophecy. A full review of young people's place in the political environment is needed. This requires the application of different criteria for evaluating youth interests, and the avoidance of some of the most routinely used phrases to describe young people's attitudes to politics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Digital Britain interim report: A step in the right direction?

The Digital Britain interim report was published on 29 January 2009 by the DCMS and BERR with the final report being due out in June. The Report divides itself into four areas for ‘action’; namely Digital Networks, Digital Content, Universal Connectivity and Equipping Everyone to Benefit from Digital Britain. The level of action proposed in each case varies widely and the Report has come under criticism for delivering little in the way of concrete promises or clearly defined strategy. This article summarises and analyses a number of the key purported actions from the Report in order to consider whether it is indeed an appropriate step towards an action plan that would secure the Britain's place at the forefront of the new media age.     

从英国经验看我国卖淫刑事政策的变革

上世纪末以来，英国在考察欧洲其他国家相关制度的基础上，对本国的卖淫法律制度进行全面审查，并开始变革卖淫刑事政策。在我国，卖淫的刑事政策在近十余年里遭到社会学者和犯罪学者的批评。从权利保护的价值观以及刑事政策的有效性等角度出发，可以借鉴英国变革的经验，对我国的卖淫刑事政策进行反省和变革。     

现代英国法治理论的古典思想背景 --理性自由主义法治观的兴起

构成现代英国法治理论的古典思想背景,是以理性自由主义法治观为其鲜明特色的.政治哲学家霍布斯设计的法治理论是以自然法则为先决条件的强大的政治社会结构.古典自由主义法治的奠基人洛克承袭了典型的不列颠经验主义和妥协传统,其思想对人类的社会政治生活和思维方式产生了直接的无法估量的影响.哲学家体漠对英国法治理论的贡献主要是对洛克的政治社会就是法治社会的发扬光大.普通法法治主义奠基人布莱克斯通则主要以其不朽的<英国法释义>和其普通法法治理论名扬海内外.     

How women use family networks to facilitate migration: A comparative study of Irish and Polish women in Britain

Within migration studies there has been a tendency to focus on a single case study of a particular national group. Adopting a comparative approach may raise new and interesting questions or challenge conventional thinking on migration. While on the surface, at least, Irish and Polish migrants would appear to have many commonalities, there has been surprisingly little comparative analysis of these two groups. Drawing on my own research on these migrants in the British context, I focus on women as a large but under-researched aspect of both groups. This paper suggests ways in which such a comparison could be undertaken by using social networks as a useful comparative tool. A social networks perspective not only allows a probing analysis of migration strategies, but also provides a framework within which to compare across different migrant groups, such as for example, examining the role of family networks (here and there) in migration processes. In addition, this approach enables an examination of dynamism over time and how migrants develop relationships within spatially dispersed as well as locally embedded ties.     

"日台条约"与战后日台关系框架的确立

本文从历史学实证研究的角度,考察战后"日台条约"签订的过程,认为"日台条约"奠定了战后日台20年官方关系的基本框架,它不仅对日本与台湾而且对亚太地区都发生影响,可以说"日台条约"是战后日台关系的基础工程;如果从更为广阔的时间范围来看,该条约可以看作是蒋介石试图建立"亚洲反共联盟"的重要组成部分.