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51.
贾健 《外交评论》2002,2(4):43-49
1958-1968年英国“非殖民化”经历了从回归、重建到收缩再到无奈的撤离、回归欧洲的曲折过程。英国力量的衰落和殖民地国家的独立解放斗争、以联合国为代表的国际社会对于殖民主义的压力、两极对立的国际形势对于英国殖民体系的战略冲击以及科技革命的影响等是这一过程产生的主要原因。它的性质是英国在国力衰落之下对殖民地所做的一次调整,是在当时的历史条件下为了挽救垂死的大英殖民帝国所做的挣扎。  相似文献   
52.
Abstract

British politicians often argued that Britain maintained its navy only in order to secure its own survival by keeping sea communications open, while Germany in no real need of a powerful navy, threatened this legitimate British policy-goal by pursuing expansionist politics. German leaders, emboldened and a little dazzled by the tremendous industrial and economic success of the newly unified Reich, held that Britain was maintaining its economic dominance in the Empire by military means and thus blocking the progress Germany hoped to make in its aspiration to parity status and economic prosperity, with all that that entailed. This paper will explore the underlying rationale of the arms race between Britain and Germany shining through in those different positions on legitimate (military) policy aims. It will go beyond the visible symbols, as it were, of the Dreadnought and the Two-Power standard. These very concrete matters will also be dealt with here but, more importantly, this essay is meant to give some answer as to whether an archetypal differentiation between survival on the one hand and domination on the other can be made out as the predominant logic that led the two countries to embark on the road to the Great War.  相似文献   
53.
布莱尔第三条道路理论探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本剖析了流行于当今英国的第三条道路理论的思想渊源及其与历史上一度出现过的其他第三条道路的本质区别。章指出,布莱尔等人所竭力鼓吹的“新”第三条道路的“新颖之处”就是一条把自己定位于两个极端之间的道路,即新自由主义和社会民主之间的中问道路。和其他的道路相比,“新”第三条道路既持有相似的言辞,又有内容上的实质差别。第三条道路所宣称的四大支柱(社区、责任、义务和机会)在历史上已出现过多次,它实际上是自由论、保守主义思想、社会主义成分等思想的混合物。工党从提出自我更新,实现现代化到最终第三条道路的出笼,其实质是放弃了社会主义的价值取向。第三条道路理论的许多内容及其所涉及的概念模糊不清、模棱两可,因而也难以实施清晰的政策措施。新工党还将继续进一步作出选择,进行未来的思想构造。  相似文献   
54.
本较详细地介绍了80年代以来英国的失业状况及政府为解决失业问题所陛的对策,以供我国解决此类问题作参考。章认为,解决下岗、失业问题和实施再就业措施,绝不是一个独立的安排过剩劳动力的问题,要避免单纯为了解解下岗和失业压力而采取不利于维护和提高我国产业国际竞争力的措施。这是一个关系到我国劳动力就业的长期态势的战略性问题。  相似文献   
55.
《Labor History》2012,53(5):513-554
Abstract

Entrism – the infiltration of political organisations by competitors – is typically associated with Trotskyism. Large-scale Communist entrism in the British Labour Party has been neglected by historians and reference in the literature is slight and impressionistic. Archival material permits reconstruction of a sustained attempt by the Comintern and British Communists to subvert Labour Party policy between 1933 and 1943. Documenting the development and dimensions of Communist entrism, this article establishes that, by 1937, 10% of Communist Party (CPGB) members were operating secretly inside British Labour, campaigning to change its policy on affiliation and engineer a Popular Front. Biographies of 55 such Communists provide new data and permit a typology of entrist activity. The episode sheds new light on Popular Front initiatives and the extent of genuine support for them within Labour. It illuminates the conspiratorial side of Stalinist activity at a time when the CPGB presented itself as a conventional British party.  相似文献   
56.
创意城市与英国创意产业的兴起   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
英国是世界上最早以政府名义提出文化战略和发展创意产业的国家,目前创意产业已经成为其产业体系重要的组成部分。创意城市是在经济全球化的背景下,由产业转移和产业升级推动、伴随城市更新和创意产业兴起而出现的一种新型的城市形态和发展模式。创意、创意产业和创意城市之间存在着密切的关系:创意产业和创意城市都以创意为基础,创意产业是创意城市形成和发展的经济引擎,创意城市是创意产生和创意产业兴起的空间基础。创意产业与创意城市在兴起的动力方面存在某些类似之处,除了来自于产业内部和城市区域的创新推动之外,创意产业还与政府政策、产业转型、人才培养和文化理论等因素密不可分。英国创意城市与创意产业兴起的经验为我国提供了有益的启示与借鉴:明确创意产业与创意城市的关系,因地制宜地构建城市创新体系;通过政府的介入和城市的创新建设,为创意产业的兴起提供政策和空间支持;依靠创意产业的推动和创意元素的导入,为城市的创新发展提供经济和文化动力。  相似文献   
57.
当事人权利与法官权力的均衡分配——兼论民事诉讼的本质   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
徐昕 《现代法学》2001,23(4):74-80
程序自由主义之局限要求在当事人与法院之间重新分配程序控制权。当事人自主与法官职权在程序控制中的动态均衡 ,决定了不同诉讼结构、模式及其功能的差异。本文以英国民事诉讼中法官的职权作为考察模型 ,通过分析英国法官在民事诉讼中职权的强化、构成及特点 ,阐明了有关对抗制诉讼及程序控制权的普遍性误认 ,并就法官职权强化意味着对抗制终结之主张提出质疑 ,揭示了二大诉讼模式自我修正、不断靠近的融合趋势 ,并初步论及民事诉讼的本质。  相似文献   
58.
Britain’s political parties can be divided into two blocs: a ‘progressive bloc’ of parties on the left/centre‐left, and a ‘reactionary bloc’ of those on the right/centre‐right. In three of the last four general elections, the progressive bloc won an appreciably larger share of the popular vote than its reactionary rival. Yet its greater internal fragmentation has been repeatedly punished under first past the post, leading to what is now over a decade of Conservative‐led governments. This has prompted growing pressure to form a ‘progressive alliance’ between Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, and their Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish nationalist competitors. This article sheds a historical and international light on these demands, examining the difficulties other similar efforts at progressive cooperation have faced across the world. It considers how progressive alliances have previously sought to overcome geographical, ideological, and social divides between their constituent members, and draws some salutary lessons for British progressives today.  相似文献   
59.
Matthew Allen 《Japan Forum》2017,29(2):218-235
In the 1930s and 1940s shaman hunts (yutagari) were conducted by the Japanese Special Higher Police in Okinawa, Japan's most southern and remote prefecture. This was not the first time that attempts had been made to remove these women from Okinawan society. The fact that the yuta were hunted down and incarcerated, driven underground, and in some cases executed says much about how influential and threatening Japanese authorities perceived them to be. At the end of the Battle of Okinawa, more than one quarter of all Okinawan civilians were dead, and in many cases their remains were unrecoverable due to the extent of the destruction. The absence of appropriate mortuary rituals and religious specialists to perform these rituals, many of whom had been removed by authorities, led to severe spiritual dislocation for many Okinawans. In the chaotic postwar environment a path was opened for the revival of the previously hunted shamans to treat those who had suffered physical, family and spiritual loss, through providing help for these clients in dealing with settling the unsatisfied dead. It also led to the emergence of the ‘new’ yuta, those shamans who followed different routes to becoming religious advisors. This paper first outlines some of the circumstances that led to the shaman hunts, and then assesses the role of the Battle of Okinawa and its aftermath in rehabilitating shamanism in postwar society.  相似文献   
60.
英国“三明治”教育模式是世界高等教育模式的成功范例之一,体现了理论与实务的结合。目前在国内对此实践成效的报道甚少,多停留在理论探讨阶段。探讨英国“三明治”课程特征,分析我国实现“三明治”教学模式的体系和方式,可为我国高等教育的实践教学提供参考。  相似文献   
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