Kazakhstani public opinion of the United States and Russia: testing variables of (un)favourability

ABSTRACT

Though Central Asia is often studied through the prism of its relationships with external powers, research on local public perceptions of these different actors has largely been overlooked. The literature on Kazakhstanis’ perceptions of their neighbours, for instance, is scarce, and mostly focused on analysis of official discourse on Kazakhstan’s multi-vector policy, with little exploration of how this is received, appropriated or refuted by the population. On the basis of Gallup data spanning the last decade, and several other surveys, we test most of the main hypotheses usually advanced to explain attitudes to the US and Russia – age, ethnicity and access to information – and draw five main conclusions: (1) Kazakhstanis are not defined by an exclusive pro-US/pro-Russian dichotomy; (2) they nevertheless largely choose Russia over the US if forced to pick; (3) age does not have a significant effect on foreign policy attitudes; (4) ethnicity does affect some of the attitudes under consideration, but its effects are not large enough to produce markedly different opinions among ethnic Kazakhs and ethnic Russians in aggregate; and (5) consumption of media from Russia and access to non-governmental and Western sources of information do not seem to have significant effects on the attitudes under consideration.     

Linkages of oil and politics: oil strikes and dual power in the Iranian revolution

ABSTRACT

Looking at the oil strikes during the Iranian revolution (1978–79), this article challenges dominant narratives of the relationship between oil and politics and the processes that shaped the outcome of the revolution. The main arguments of the article are developed in a critical dialogue with Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy. Firstly, the article argues that the scale of the oil strikes and their central role in the creation of organs of revolutionary power call into question the generalization about the material characteristics of oil that supposedly prevented mobilization. Secondly, the article argues that the fact that oil workers were able to organize mass strikes, but failed to create an independent organization, calls for an explanatory approach that combines material factors with the role of consciousness, ideology and organization. This leads to a rereading of the Iranian revolution that highlights the essential role of the oil strikes in the emergence of dual power in early 1979, and the contingency of their outcome.     

宏观调控权配置原则论

宏观调控权的配置事关宏观调控的效果。要合理配置宏观调控权,就必须确定宏观调控权配置的原则。宏观调控权的配置包括横向配置与纵向配置。横向配置指宏观调控权在中央国家机关之间的分配;纵向配置指宏观调控权在中央与地方国家机关之间的分配。由于宏观调控是事关国民经济全局性的重大事务,因此,宏观调控决策权的配置应实行集权原则,由中央国家机关独享;而宏观调控执行权的配置应实行分权原则,由中央政府与地方省级政府在各自的职能范围内分享。     

权为民所用--警察权行使中的几个问题

为了充分体现人民警察权力为人民所用的最终目的,协调好在警察权力实施过程中可能产生的社会秩序与个人权利的矛盾,警察权力必须建立在完备的法治基础之上.警察权力的行使者必须是人民警察,警察权力的行使应该具有一定的边界,只能针对特定的责任人,应当遵循相当性原则,必须按照法定的程序.     

权力·权利·权威

国家权力的合法存在是以维护最广大人民的权利为前提和目的的。国家权力的依法行使是以最大程度地促进社会经济发展推动社会文明进步为动力和目标的。实施权力是维护权利的保证,保障权利是制约权力的基础,体现权威是行使权力的根本。权威只有建立在至高无上的国家法律基础之上,人民权利才有根本保障,国家权力才有合法权威,从而真正体现“权为民所用、利为民所谋、情为民所系”。     

社会转型与中国乡村权力结构研究--传统文化、乡镇企业和乡政村治

党的十一届三中全会以来,我国农村的改革促进了乡村社会的转型,传统文化的复兴、乡镇企业的崛起、乡政村治的建立等等导致了乡村权力结构中包含的具有各自利益需求和交换关系的主体--国家、基层政府、社区组织、乡镇企业、村民等等--不同身份特征的获得,并决定了他们有可能占有的资源及其相互的利益关联.对11省14个村庄的调查和比较,再现了转型期乡村权力结构的调整和重构.     

组织与权力的经济分析——通过对组织本质和类型演化的分析透视权力及变迁

本文分三大部分分解组织与权力的关系。第一部分从权力行使的基础———资源出发 ,论述了组织是一种权力 ,并且是一种最常态的权力 ;第二部分从人类利益的异质性及不同组织提供“物品”的不同属性出发 ,分析了组织及权力类型多元化的必然性 ;同时 ,立足于组织“物品”的不同属性所引发的不同经济效应 ,阐述了各种组织及各种权力之间的关系 ;第三部分从组织是一种资源的规模配置方式出发 ,分析了权力变迁及变迁的内在动因。     

对"三个代表"关于党执政合法性的意蕴解读

"三个代表"重要思想是对中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性的直接应答,政治合法性意蕴是"三个代表"的应有之义.从政治合法性的层面解读"三个代表"重要思想,有利于完整地理解"三个代表"重要思想,消除"三个代表"研究的盲点."三个代表"重要思想从政治合法性的绩效性基础、意识形态基础、群众基础、法理型基础等方面论证了中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性.     

对当前我国就业问题的思考

就业是“民生之本”。我国就业问题是一个长期面临的基本问题 ,要始终给予高度重视。政府不仅要为扩大就业创造良好的外部环境 ,还要建立以市场调节为基础、以政府促进就业为动力的就业机制。     

加强党的执政能力建设的思考

加强执政能力建设是党的建设的一个全新的实践课题。按照"三个代表"的要求,根据中国共产党在新世纪新阶段所面临的新形势和新任务,在加强党的执政能力建设上,必须从六个方面来提高执政能力。