Youth Supplying Tobacco to Other Minors: Evaluating Individual and Town-Level Correlates

The present study employed multilevel random-effects regression analyses to model individual and community correlates of youth supplying tobacco to other minors. Data from 8486 youth in 40 Midwestern junior high and high schools were examined. Results indicate community support for tobacco-possession laws was associated with lower likelihood of youth supplying tobacco to minors. Individual attitudes supporting tobacco possession laws were also associated with lower likelihood of supplying tobacco. Recent smoking, using a social source or purchasing tobacco in the past month, successfully purchasing tobacco during the last attempt to buy it, and having friends who use tobacco were associated with an increased likelihood of supplying tobacco to minors. Results also suggest that purchasing tobacco in the past month or being successful during the last attempt to buy it dramatically increase the odds of supplying tobacco among Never and Past Smokers. Implications of these findings are presented.

原发性脑干损伤后延髓网状结构bFGF改变的研究

目的研究原发性脑干损伤对碱性成纤维细胞生长因子(bFGF)在延髓网状结构内表达的影响。方法采用撞击法造成实验大鼠脑干损伤死亡,用免疫组化SABC法检测延髓网状结构中bFGF的改变。结果生前损伤组延髓网状结构内bFGF阳性细胞数和阳性强度与正常组及死后损伤组比较显著升高,后两者无显著差异。结论原发性脑干损伤导致延髓网状结构内神经细胞bFGF表达增高。     

《大正藏》第八十五卷（敦煌卷）误例浅析

原卷书手的讹误,部分写卷的漶漫残缺,日本人对中国文化的隔膜,加之校录的粗疏,是<大正藏>第八十五卷(敦煌卷)讹误满纸的主要原因.笔者通过对该卷中部分录文与敦煌写卷的重新核校,尝试对写卷及录文文字错误进行粗浅分析并加以初步归类.     

巨额财产来源不明罪主体问题研究

巨额财产来源不明罪自设立以来就争议颇多。虽然说新刑法明确规定的主体是国家工作人员,但国家工作人员的范围仍是争论的焦点之一,从触犯本罪的主体来看,自然人、单位、共犯等问题,都有值得思考的地方,准确界定这些问题对立法乃至司法都将产生积极的作用。     

论男女平等内涵与目标的哲学基础及社会学定位

本文对男女平等内涵与社会主义初级阶段目标进行了研究。认为男女平等作为一种价值取向和调整两性关系的社会法则,如果没有正确的理论作为它的灵魂支柱,就不可能科学地诠释它的内涵,界定它的目标与特征等一系列属性。哲学是解析这一切的金钥匙,社会学则是寻求其准确定位不可缺少的方向盘。在哲学基础上建立起来的男女平等概念只能是相对的、与时俱进的;也只有符合社会存在实际和社会发展方向的目标定位才是科学的、可行的。在社会主义初级阶段,必须处理好十大关系,坚持八项原则,才能推进男女平等的过程。     

La vie à l'assemblée,angle mort de la science politique française

Legislative studies are an important branch of political science in the United States and most European countries, but French scholars, during the past twenty years, have somewhat neglected the analysis of parliamentary behaviour. This research note argues that this low interest in the life of national and local assemblies can be explained by the conjunction of two factors: on the one hand, the weakness of parliamentary intervention in France, which results from the increasing importance of the executive branch, at the expenses of assemblies, in the formulation of public policy; on the other, the emancipation of political science from law as well as its openness to the sociological approach during the 1980s and 1990s.     

WTO与我国就业对策

我国加入WTO后,劳动力市场进一步对外开放,将给劳动力就业带来巨大的挑战和冲击,失业风险加剧。为此,必须加快信息化发展、加快城市化进程、促进中小企业发展、大力开发人力资源和完善社会保障制度等,以保证就业问题的解决。     

Testing Duvergerʼs law: strategic voting in Mongolian elections, 1996–2004

Recent empirical research on voting in single-member districts, based on extensive data-sets of election results, has demonstrated the general (although not universal) validity of Duverger’s law (i.e. that the average outcome under plurality rule is generally consistent with two-party competition). This article tests Duverger’s law through analysis of a data-set covering Mongolian parliamentary elections in the period of 1996–2004. The results show consistent, but not linear, movement towards the Duvergerian equilibrium in Mongolia, with large part of the districts conforming to the Duvergerian norm of two-party competition. Duverger treated his law merely as an important tendency but insisted that social forces are the main determinants of the number of political parties. The main factor that limited Mongolian voters’ rationality, and created problems with their strategic ability to distinguish and abandon hopeless candidates, was weak institutionalization of the Mongolian party system. Finally, I prove that the emergence of bipolar party politics was not an immediate process and will continue over a series of elections, supporting the so-called “learning hypothesis.”     

The Nature and Incidence of Workgroup Innovation in the Australian Public Sector: Evidence from the Australian 2011 State of the Service Survey

Using data from a nationally representative survey of all Australian Government employees, we explore the nature of innovation implemented at the workgroup level and assess the multi‐dimensionality of the workgroup's ‘most significant innovation’ (MSI). Of the 10222 survey respondents, 48% reported at least one innovation implemented by their workgroup, with an innovation more commonly reported with an increase in the respondent's age, seniority, and service experience; among men and university graduates. The results reveal that 54% of the reported MSIs incorporate between two and five dimensions of innovation types (policy, service, service delivery, administrative/organizational, and conceptual), and most of these dimensions reinforce each other. Different dimensions of the MSI draw on different sources of ideas (with senior leaders having the broadest impact), face different ‘revealed’ barriers, require different levels of workplace creativity, and produce different beneficial effects. Our findings help strengthen an understanding of the influencing factors and the effects of multi‐dimensional public sector innovations.     

The (Il)legitimacy of EU state building: local support and contention in Kosovo

This article investigates legitimacy of EU state building and conflict resolution as a continuous and collective process through which local stakeholders, as the direct bearers of EU policies, ascribe meaning and support for the EU actors and actions on the ground. Contrary to the static and narrow understanding of legitimacy in the EU literature, the article offers a dynamic framework of legitimacy based on two main aspects: (i) sources of legitimacy (input and output) and (ii) objects of legitimacy (diffuse and specific support) in order to trace the complicated relationship between the EU and different local groups (the government, parliamentary opposition, local NGOs and public opinion) in Kosovo. The main argument is that the EU fails to generate local consent and faces a worsening erosion of support in Kosovo due to the limited participation of local stakeholders into the EU-promoted political decision-making structures and the contested ability of the EU to foster outcomes that have salience for local actors.