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1.
传统上,国家间的互动关系被认为是国际法规则创制与实施的基本动力,但全球化,尤其是经济全球化使得国际法日益攸关个人的利益,个人与国家间的互动关系已然成为国际法发展的元动力。国际法只有以此为基点,才能更好地规范全球化,尤其是经济全球化的进程,使各国及其国民能够公平地享受全球化带来的好处。 相似文献
2.
云南省中小学毒品预防教育调查报告 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
课题组 《云南警官学院学报》2003,(3):23-26
中小学校毒品预防教育是一项十分重要的禁毒基础工作。目前云南省中小学校虽已开展了不同形式的毒品预防教育工作 ,但是 ,部分学校迫于升学压力 ,加之在校学生吸毒情况不突出等原因 ,并未将毒品预防教育列入学校的重要工作之一 ,不注重毒品预防教育效果。 相似文献
3.
在我国短时间内废除死刑并不现实,当务之急是规范死刑适用。抢劫犯罪的死刑主要适用于致人重伤、死亡的抢劫犯罪和其他情节极为恶劣的抢劫犯罪。在认定主要刑事责任人时应全面考察罪中、罪后、罪前等多方面情节。自首、立功等法定从宽处罚情节一般只及一罪;"先杀后抢"、"先抢后杀"的宣告刑应基本一致;在抢劫犯罪中一般不存在被害人有过错的情形;"赔偿免死"的前提是犯罪分子真诚悔罪。酌定从宽情节的适用亟待规范。 相似文献
4.
攻击性是儿童较为常见的行为,理论界对攻击性的认识一直存在分歧.温尼科特的攻击性理论可以帮助我们从现代精神分析的视角理解儿童的攻击性.温尼科特认为,攻击性是与生俱来的,但其性质随着婴儿成长所依赖环境的不同而改变,够好的环境使儿童的攻击性逐渐整合,不够好的环境迫使攻击性以破坏的、反社会的方式显示出来.原初攻击性是原初爱的表达,并帮助儿童确立一个有自身界限的独立的外部世界.从客体关联到客体使用的发展过程中,儿童攻击客体同时客体幸存于攻击导致儿童对现实的确认和对内部客体与外部客体的区分.反社会倾向最初表达了被剥夺儿童的无助感,是向环境发出的求救信号,是对环境失败而阻碍情绪发展的一种补偿. 相似文献
5.
民族团结是各族人民的生命线。中小学民族团结教育既是教育学意义上的知识传授,更是政治学意义上的共同体构建。文章基于民族政治学的理论视角,提出新时代中小学民族团结教育的三个理论维度:一是国家与社会关系层面的国民教育;二是自我与他者关系层面的启蒙教育;三是传统与现代关系层面的素质教育。由此出发,培育爱国主义的情结,播种多元一体的种子,提高适应变革的能力,民族团结教育才会是成功的。 相似文献
6.
Loizos Loukaidis 《Journal of Peace Education》2017,14(2):176-194
This paper explores the ways in which a group of primary school teachers in Cyprus interprets religious education and its contribution to peace. In particular, this phenomenological exploratory study: first, examines how teachers perceive religious education and whether this conceptualization is considered to be (in)compatible with peace in the context of a conflict-affected society; and, second, shows some of the tensions that exist in the aims of religious education between the desire to encourage mutual understanding and exposure to religious pluralism, on the one hand, and the political demands for entrenching ethnic cleavages, on the other. Although these tensions are largely contextual, they nevertheless raise two important issues that are worthwhile to consider for religious education and peace in conflict-affected societies: first, the ‘naturalization’ of religion and religious instruction, on the one hand, vs. the recognition that some models of religious instruction (i.e. confessional teaching) might actually limit the space within which teachers can make contributions to peace, on the other; and, second, the tension between the different models of religious education within a conflict-affected society and particularly which model would strategically and politically serve best the purposes of peace in the short- and long-term. 相似文献
7.
Judith Dwyer Tim Tenbensel Josée Lavoie Angelita Martini Catherine Brown Jeannie Devitt Paula Myott Edward Tilton Amohia Boulton 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(4):550-566
Persistent underperformance of public policy and program implementation in Aboriginal affairs is widely recognised. We analysed the results of two case studies of attempted reforms in public administration of Aboriginal primary health care in the Northern Territory, using a framework based on the institutionalist and systemic racism literatures, with the aim of better understanding the sources of implementation failure. Implementation of the agreed reforms was unsuccessful. Contributing factors were as follows: strong recognition of the need for change was not sustained; the seeds of change, present in the form of alternative practices, were not built on; there was a notable absence of sustained political/bureaucratic authorisation; and, interacting with all of these, systemic racism had important consequences and implications. Our framework was useful for making sense of the results. It is clear that reforms in Aboriginal affairs will require government authorities to engage with organisations and communities. We conclude that there are four requirements for improved implementation success: clear recognition of the need for change in ‘business as usual’; sustainable commitment and authorisation; the building of alternative structures and methods to enable effective power sharing (consistent with the requirements of parliamentary democracy); and addressing the impact of systemic racism on decision-making, relationships, and risk management. 相似文献
8.
Prior research finds that the emergence of a quality challenger is one of the most important factors predicting whether incumbents will be vulnerable. Reformers in California and Washington envisioned that the top-two primary reform would increase electoral competition by allowing for general election contests that feature two same-party candidates in safe districts. In this research note, I investigate the degree to which these expectations have been fulfilled by looking at the prevalence of quality challengers in U.S. House contests. I compare one-party and two-party general election contests, finding that incumbents are significantly more likely to face a quality challenger from the same party than from the opposite party, all else equal. In contrast, when both states used traditional primaries prior to reform, incumbents were no more likely to face a quality challenger in the primary election than in the general election. Findings reveal a key way in which the top-two primary may fulfill reformers’ expectations and complement our understanding of how electoral institutions condition challenger entry decisions. 相似文献
9.
姜泽民 《中共云南省委党校学报》2002,3(5)
社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度是我们党对社会主义的长期实践的总结,是中国现阶段社会生产力发展的客观要求,必须坚持社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度不动摇。 相似文献
10.
李成远 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2011,11(4):43-46
新时期以基层党建创新带动社会管理创新是推动科学发展、促进社会和谐的需要。为此,必须优化创新党组织设置,夯实社会管理基础;深入开展服务型党组织创建,完善社会管理格局;加强完善创新矛盾化解机制,提高社会管理科学化水平;改革与创新教育培养模式,增强领导社会管理能力;创新党建工作理念和方法,形成社会管理合力。 相似文献