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911.
王海泉 《广东行政学院学报》2001,13(3):15-18
实现最广大人民的根本利益 ,要求我们把对上级负责和对群众负责统一起来。但是在实践中两者的统一却存在着一些问题 ,其根源在于监督机制、干部管理体制等存在缺陷。要实现对上对下的统一 ,必须建立有效的权力制约与监督机制 ,加快干部选拔任用制度的改革 ,大力加强法制建设 ,加强世界观、人生观和价值观的教育 相似文献
912.
丁天 《广东行政学院学报》2001,13(1):5-8
提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义 相似文献
913.
侦审一体化后,刑侦改革进一步深化的障碍,是其队伍素质难以达到公正司法所需侦办质量的要求.建立公平竞争的选人用人机制,又需要其它周边环境的逐步改善,难以一蹴而就.提高刑警素质应综合施力,将之融入改革大环境,以促进整个刑侦改革的深入. 相似文献
914.
从历史和现实斗争角度来看,刑嫌调控具有积极作用和重要的现实意义.但当前形势下刑嫌调控存在不少问题,必须完善、夯实刑嫌调控的理论基础,改革刑侦基础、手段、工作模式、工作机制,使刑嫌调控发挥更大效益. 相似文献
915.
加强对俄高科技产业合作已成为发展对俄经贸的一项重要战略内容、在可预见的未来.它将在中俄经贸关系中居先导地位。在我国实施西部大开发战略中.开展中俄产业科技大合作.必将有力地促进两国经济及经贸关系的大发展。为此.本文介绍了中国西部地区与俄罗斯的产业技术合作的历史与现实基础.提出了西部地区拟重点规划的30项中俄产业科技合作项目以及西部大开发战略中的中俄产业科技合作方式。 相似文献
916.
Maurizio Atzeni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):193-214
The paper presents preliminary findings of qualitative research, case study based, on the organization and collective mobilization of two groups of precarious workers in the city of Buenos Aires. Contrary to research that looks at trade unions’ institutional strategies for organizing precarious workers and at workers’ responses to these, the article starts with a bottom-up approach centred on workers’ self-activity. This helps to show empirically how a complex net of structural and contextual factors, which includes the spatial organization of the labour process, the institutional and legal framework and the socio-political context, creates material circumstances that generate processes of workers’ association. This approach is rooted in long-standing theoretical debates about the structuring of workers’ collective interests and action and helps to ground debates on the perspectives of precarious workers’ organization within the context of currently and locally existing capitalist relations rather than in more abstracted trade unions’ strategies and responses. 相似文献
917.
Quan D. Mai 《Labor History》2016,57(2):141-169
The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in the New York Times by analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data. 相似文献
918.
Gregory Sholette 《Women & Performance》2016,26(2-3):172-183
Dominant notions of contemporary art are being overturned not by some radical avant-garde theory or movement, but instead by an “uprising” from within the confines of the “art factory,” as well as by newly embodied instances of informal everyday creativity that high culture has long overlooked. Theorists Negt and Kluge might have described this insurrection as the partial unblocking of a counter-public or proletarian sphere: a realm of fragmented identities and working class fantasy generated in response to the alienating conditions of capitalism. A more specific cultural interpretation suggests this mutiny from within and assault from below is the irrepressible brightening of “creative dark matter:” that marginalized and systematically underdeveloped aggregate of creative productivity, which nonetheless reproduces the material and symbolic economy of high culture. The results are explosive, or at least potentially so as this long, pent-up shadow archive spills out into the once forbidden dwelling place of mainstream law and order and high cultural privilege. Meanwhile, a new wave of socially engaged art is thriving on the margins of the art world. Like an enormous production warehouse this “post-public” creativity is developing sustainable farming, reenacting historical labor demonstrations, providing public services lost to decades of deregulatory economic policy, and initiating local bartering systems and environmental cleanups. Its vitality is something Joseph Beuys could have only dream about. And not surprisingly even this “autonomous” and “Interventionist” art is selectively becoming part of the mainstream culture industry through what Gilles Deleuze describes as an “apparatus of capture.” Nevertheless, one result of this new confrontation reveals this vibrant imaginary “from below” is pushing artistic production, pushing also discourse, pedagogy and cultural institutions into radically re-thinking definitions and possibilities not only involving the possibilities of contemporary avant-garde art practices, but also about the very nature of creativity, democracy, and political agency more broadly. 相似文献
919.
Claire Knowles 《Women: A Cultural Review》2016,27(1):62-78
Jacqueline Susann's Valley of the Dolls (1966) and Grace Metalious's Peyton Place (1956) are novels that have long exerted a powerful hold on the popular imagination. The bestselling Peyton Place was adapted into a successful film in 1957 before becoming an iconic television series, running from 1964 to 1969. Valley of the Dolls was similarly re-imagined in two films, Valley of the Dolls (1967) and Beyond the Valley of the Dolls (1970), which, even today, retain a cult following. These books are typically remembered for their scandalous bringing to light of such ‘taboo’ issues as adultery, abortion, female sexuality and sexual abuse. But this article suggests that Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls are equally preoccupied with a sympathetic examination of the role of women in the post-war workplace. In both of these novels, the process of female self-fashioning is integrally related to a woman's entry into the workforce, and to the making and controlling of her own money. But this entry into the male-dominated workforce is inherently fraught with danger, and Metalious and Susann expose some of the myriad ways in which the so-called ‘American Dream’ is contingent on the entrapment, suppression and regulation of various forms of female desire and agency. 相似文献
920.
Blu Tirohl 《Journal of Gender Studies》2016,25(6):693-704
Examining the urban arts in the UK, in their paint and fibre-based alternatives, this article aims to account for the differences in contemporary dealings with graffiti and yarn-bombing (kniffiti). The intersectional complications of gender, race, age and class, as they have come to bear on the visual arts, as well as the historical power structures that have determined the classification of crime, and of art, are offered as possible rationales for present-day handling of ‘deviance’ in the form of urban art. It seems that urban knitting has blind-sighted both social conventions and legal principles in a way that exposes the arbitrary nature of both. 相似文献