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81.
贺小勇 《现代法学》2008,30(2):126-132
2007年4月美国就中国知识产权刑事保护机制问题提交WTO争端解决机构(DSB)以寻求解决。这是DSB受理的第一起就知识产权刑事保护机制问题所引发的争端。本案的争议核心是如何解释作为"刑事门槛"的《TRIPS协定》第61条所规定的"商业规模"。通过DSB解释实践,可以看出,"商业规模"的解释主权应属各成员所有,但解释边界受《TRIPS协定》第61条相关条件的限制,中国知识产权刑事保护立法机制符合《TRIPS协定》,没有必要继续下降"刑事门槛"。美国对中国知识产权的施压应由单纯要求"降低刑事门槛"转变为"如何在降低正版产品的价格情况下加大对盗版的刑事打击力度"。  相似文献   
82.
精神损害赔偿中的附从性规则,是精神损害赔偿中颇具独特性的规则。尽管畅行于多国精神损害赔偿实践并起着事实上的基础性作用,附从性规则却一直未能取得与其实际作用相一致的地位。精神损害附从性规则未能反映法律的内在价值,其重要地位的形成,是法律向现实妥协的结果,这注定了其永不可能跃升为精神损害赔偿的基本原则。但当纯粹精神损害的确定成为可能时,对附从性规则的突破就成为大势所趋。正确认识精神损害赔偿的附从性规则,对于《侵权责任法》确立合适的精神损害赔偿范围具有重要意义。  相似文献   
83.
目的通过对受检者听性稳态反应(auditory steady-state response,ASSR)与40Hz听觉相关电位(auditory event related potential,AERP)测试结果的比较分析,探讨ASSR与AERP评估听阈的准确性及其在法医临床鉴定中的应用。方法对受检的37耳分别进行纯音测听(pure tone audiometry,PTA)、ASSR和40HzAERP测试。ASSR和40HzAERP测试均在清醒状态下进行。结果ASSR和40HzAERP反应阈均与纯音听阈具有良好的相关性,且阈值均高于纯音听阈;ASSR与40HzAERP反应阈对纯音听阈的评估差异无统计学意义。结论确定合理的校正值后,ASSR可以用于行为听阈的客观评估。  相似文献   
84.
在传统的图像分割算法中结合指纹图像的特点引入了平滑的思想,设计并实现了平滑阈值自适应算法,取得了良好的效果。它是根据指纹图像中每一部分的明暗度来调整闽值,每一块根据自己的阈值进行二值化。指纹的分割更加灵活准确,分割后的指纹前景边界也更加平滑细致。  相似文献   
85.
文章利用2003-2015年中国省际面板数据,在对OFDI逆向技术溢出影响自主创新路径分析的基础上,借鉴测算国际研发溢出的C H和L P模型,从吸收能力视角探究了OFDI逆向技术溢出影响国内各地区自主创新的门槛效应。路径分析结果显示,绿地投资、跨国并购、建立海外研发机构和缔结国际战略联盟均能提升一国自主创新能力但作用机制存在差异;门槛检验结果显示,经济发展水平和R&D投入强度仅具有单一门槛,人力资本存量、金融发展水平、经济开放程度以及技术差距则具有双重门槛,并且在不同的门槛取值区间内,技术差距对OFDI逆向技术溢出影响自主创新呈现出显著的“倒U型”特征,其余变量则呈现出阶梯递增的趋势。研究还发现,由于要素禀赋、地理位置以及经济基础等方面存在差异,东部地区通过OFDI逆向技术溢出对自主创新的促进作用显著高于广大中西部地区。  相似文献   
86.
信托业经营的法律定位与公平竞争   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
按照我国现行的金融法律框架,金融业实行的是分业经营、分业管理,信托业享有完全独立于银行、证券和保险业的业务专营权。但是,这种专营权逐渐被各种部门规章以"委托理财"之名打破,使非信托业事实上都享有了经营信托的权利,再加之信托业自身能力的限制,必然出现业务经营的困境,甚至不得不事实上违规经营。"委托理财"实质上是一种非纯粹信托或称准信托,是对现行法律的有意规避,是造成信托业困境和不公平竞争的主要根源。因此,必须明确信托的认定标准,给信托业经营一个合理的法律定位,实现银行业、信托业、证券业、保险业之间基本公平的竞争。  相似文献   
87.
In the perspective of substantial amount of net transfers from the debtor less developed countries (LDCs) to the creditor developed countries (DCs) in the recent debt crisis years, there is a renewed debate (that started in the context of German reparation payments after the First World War) on the question of transfer burden of debt. The present study assembles some evidence to show that the LDCs in general expanded their export‐volumes and faced losses in their export unit values in the process of their debt repayments. Many LDCs faced this transfer burden of debt irrespective of whether their export drive was in the field of primary products or manufactures. Thus the Keynesian analysis for German transfer problems seems to be relevant in the context of the present experience of the LDCs. For some debtor countries, the ‘insoluble’ transfer problem mentioned by Keynes exists as they are facing ‘Fisher's paradox’: The more the debtors pay, the more they owe.  相似文献   
88.
Abstract

From 1989 to 2008, local governments in Germany have experienced ‘massive’ institutional change. Local constitutions have been altered in all German states giving citizens more say in local politics, while at the same time reducing local parties' influence. The paper first describes the changes according to two analytical models of local democracy. It then tries to explain the institutional change as a process of diffusion in a federal state. Three questions are answered in the explanatory part: Why did some forerunner states start with the reforms at the beginning of the 1990s and not earlier? Why did the reforms continue in other states although there was no general pressure from above? And why did some states continue with the reforms while others did not? In the first part of the paper the changes are described quantitatively while a qualitative approach is used in the explanatory part. The analyses show that the beginning of the reforms is related to ‘massive political failure’ while further reforms are a result of rational learning by different actors (large parties, small parties, non-governmental actors) depending on different means of reform. Based on these results we forecast a continuation of the reforms in the next years leading to a convergence of citizen-oriented local government all over Germany.  相似文献   
89.
Determining appropriate analytical thresholds (ATs) for forensic DNA analysis is critical to maximize allele detection. In this study, six methods to determine ATs for forensic DNA purposes were examined and compared. Four of the methods rely on analysis of the baseline noise of a number of negatives, while two utilize the relationship between relative fluorescence unit signal and DNA input in the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) derived from a dilution series ranging from 1 to 0.06 ng. Results showed that when a substantial mass of DNA (i.e., >1 ng) was amplified, the baseline noise increased, suggesting the application of an AT derived from negatives should only be applied to samples with low levels of DNA. Further, the number and intensity of these noise peaks increased with increasing injection times, indicating that to maximize the ability to detect alleles, ATs should be validated for each post‐PCR procedure employed.  相似文献   
90.
Extant research is not very specific about when the media matter for vote choice. In this study, we test multiple theories about the influences of the media on vote choice in 21 countries. The European Parliamentary (EP) election campaign offers a unique research context to test these influences. We rely on a two-wave panel survey conducted in 21 European Union (EU) member states, asking both vote intentions before the campaign and reported actual votes (among 14,000 voters). We link these data to media content data of campaign coverage between the two waves in these countries (37,000 coded news items). We conclude that media evaluations of the EU affect voting for Eurosceptic parties. On average, the more positive the evaluations of the EU a voter is exposed to, the less likely she or he is to cast a vote for a Eurosceptic party. In addition, our findings indicate that in countries where political parties have markedly different views on EU issues, the more a voter is exposed to framing of the EU in terms of benefits derived from membership in these countries, the less likely she or he is to cast a Eurosceptic vote. This suggests that the outcome of the 2009 EP elections was influenced by how the media covered EU-related news during the campaign.  相似文献   
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