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91.
The sustained movement to “get tough” on crime, especially through mass imprisonment, has prompted several prominent efforts to explain the public's harshness toward crime. From the extant literature, we demarcate the following three competing theories of public punitiveness: the escalating crime-distrust model, the moral decline model, and the racial animus model. Controlling for other known predictors of crime-related opinions, we test the explanatory power of these perspectives to account for support for the death penalty and for a punitive crime-control approach. Our analysis of a national sample of respondents surveyed in the 2000 National Election Study reveals partial support for each model. Racial animus, however, seems to exert the most consistent effect on public sentiments. This finding suggests that racial resentments are inextricably entwined in public punitiveness and thus should be incorporated into any complete theory of this phenomenon.  相似文献   
92.
This article examines the applicability of the theory of multidimensional value space by Lynn A. Curtis and the theory of social cultural resistance—Afrocentrism by Daniel E. Georges-Abeyie for explaining so-called Black crime and Black juvenile delinquency in general and Black female crime and Black female juvenile delinquency in particular. It notes that the increase in so-called Black crime and Black juvenile delinquency in general and Black female crime and Black female juvenile delinquency in particular may be illusion, not fact. This article notes that perception, at times illusion, may have, and frequently does have, real outcomes, including criminal justice outcomes and delinquency outcomes. It notes that the so-called Black racial monolith is a fiction that race and ethnicity are distinct entities, as are sex and gender that the so-called Black racial monolith consists of distinct Black ethnic identities. The article notes that Black crime, female and male, and adult and juvenile delinquency may be manifestations of primary psychopathy, secondary psychopathy, and dyssocial psychopathy, as noted in the theory of social cultural resistance—Afrocentrism.  相似文献   
93.
White criminality is increasingly defined and controlled via the medical model. This is made possible by the white racial frame, which constructs ‘whiteness’ as normative and white deviance as individual aberration or mental illness. Conversely, the white racial frame constructs Blackness as synonymous with criminality. Media depictions of crime and criminals play a central role in furthering this framing, which provides the underlying legitimation for disparities in social control. The result is double standards of definition and control which medicalize whiteness and criminalize Blackness. This differential framing of whiteness and Blackness provides the foundation for the expansion of both the medical and prison industrial complexes, which are characterized by real racial differences despite comparable patterns of deviance across racial lines.  相似文献   
94.
20世纪80年代以来,移居美国的香港华人极力想要在美国积累文化资本和经济资本,开始在旧金山的湾区购买房地产。他们带去“风水”的文化逻辑,即在他们认为会给他们带来好运的地方进行房地产投资。这一行为在当今这样一个跨国时代的背景下,向皮埃尔.布迪厄提出的文化资本积累的观点提出了挑战。新的移民也许可以获得文化资本,但却难于把它转变为社会资本,因为在象征资本和种族认同之间产生了一种不协调,也因此造成了他们在东道社会中社会地位低下的原因。所以,文化资本积累上的局限对移民来说是十分明显的。  相似文献   
95.
The end of apartheid has brought a resurgence of research into racial identities, attitudes and behaviour in South Africa. The legacy of systematic racial ordering and discrimination under apartheid is that South Africa remains deeply racialised, in cultural and social terms, as well as deeply unequal, in terms of the distribution of income and opportunities. South Africans continue to see themselves in the racial categories of the apartheid era, in part because these categories have become the basis for post-apartheid ‘redress’, in part because they retain cultural meaning in everyday life. South Africans continue to inhabit social worlds that are largely defined by race, and many express negative views of other racial groups. There has been little racial integration in residential areas, although schools provide an important opportunity for inter-racial interaction for middle-class children. Experimental and survey research provide little evidence of racism, however. Few people complain about racial discrimination, although many report everyday experiences that might be understood as discriminatory. Racial discrimination per se seems to be of minor importance in shaping opportunities in post-apartheid South Africa. Far more important are the disadvantages of class, exacerbated by neighbourhood effects: poor schooling, a lack of footholds in the labour market, a lack of financial capital. The relationship between race and class is now very much weaker than in the past. Overall, race remains very important in cultural and social terms, but no longer structures economic advantage and disadvantage.  相似文献   
96.
A MULTILEVEL TEST OF RACIAL THREAT THEORY   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
We develop a conceptual model articulating the mechanisms by which racial threat is theorized to affect social control, focusing specifically on the influence of the relative size of the black population on the likelihood that the police will arrest a black citizen suspected of a violent criminal offense. A multilevel analysis of 145, 255 violent crimes reported to police in 182 cities during 2000 shows only qualified support for racial threat theory. Controlling for the amount of race-specific crime reported to police, our findings reveal that black citizens actually have a lower probability of arrest in cities with a relatively large black population. This finding tends to cast doubt on the validity of the racial threat hypothesis. No evidence buttresses the claim that economic competition between whites and blacks affects arrest probabilities. However, results show that in cities where racial segregation is more pronounced blacks have a reduced risk sof being arrested relative to whites. Crimes involving black offenders and white victims are also more apt to result in an arrest in cities that are racially segregated. These findings support the view that racial segregation is an informal mechanism to circumscribe the threat of potentially volatile subordinate populations.  相似文献   
97.
98.
目的探索面颅角度指标在种族鉴定方面的差异性。方法选取现代人头骨57例,其中中国黄种人头骨30例(女性9例,男性21例),包括吉林1例,河北5例,山东4例,青海4例,安徽4例,江西3例,云南3例,贵州3例,广西3例。欧洲自种人头骨27例,性别不详,取自欧洲Zellemdorf、Vresovice、Kysperka3地。按体质人类学测量方法,通过参考相关文献和对颅骨形态特点的观察,设计面颅左侧眶角、右侧眶角、鼻颌角3个角度指标进行测量。对测量数据进行描述性统计分析和两独立样本之间的t检验。结果3个角度指标在种族差异性方面,眶角的种族差异性具有显著统计学意义(P〈0.01),而鼻颌角之间的种族差异性无统计学意义(P〉0.05)。结论有些角度指标显示出明显的种族差异性,今后需要加强此方面的研究。  相似文献   
99.
通过对国内外面颅种族判定测量研究现状的回顾和评析,指出目前尚没有进行中国黄种人面颅测量种族判定的有效方法。在已进行的面颅种族判定测量研究中,上面部指标的种族判定效果最好,而上腭区和下颌骨指标的种族判定效果较差。所以对于中国黄种人面颅种族判定的测量研究应当更多借鉴上面部的研究成果。  相似文献   
100.
This article takes as a starting point, key claims from studies of the invention of the human category "white" during the late Seventeenth Century in Colonial North America: that "white" reflecting a unique group of humanity was an invention deployed to divide laborers; that white people were by law assigned greater material value and rendered more valuable; and that those who were seen as white were thought to be like the British and believed to be superior to those seen as nonwhite. Each of these claims will be briefly reviewed. Building upon the foundation of whiteness studies in law and history, this article explores what Ian F. Haney Lopez identifies as the "common knowledge" of race, the legal standard established within naturalization prerequisite cases in order to determine whether one was racially "white" by law. This article works to bridge the ideas revealed through studies of the invention of white people within Colonial North America and this legal standard that emerged in the 1920s. U.S. expansionism, immigration and naturalization law in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries provide critical areas of inquiry for the developing understanding of the "common knowledge" of race and the role of law in the construction of race.  相似文献   
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