Russkii Obraz and the politics of “managed nationalism”

This article examines the rise of Russkii Obraz, a Russian ultranationalist organization whose leaders cultivated a neo-fascist ideology and collaborated with skinhead gangs. Despite its extremism, Russkii Obraz played an important role in the Kremlin's “managed nationalism,” a set of measures to manipulate the nationalist sector of the political arena. During 2008–2009, Russkii Obraz collaborated closely with pro-Kremlin youth organizations and enjoyed privileged access to Russia's tightly controlled public sphere. This article argues that the key to Russkii Obraz’s brief ascendancy was its duality, its capacity to project moderation in public and extremism in private. For several years, this duality enabled Russkii Obraz to participate in public life while building a support base in the skinhead subculture. But the two projects collided when the security organs exposed Russkii Obraz’s links to an ultranationalist death-squad. Nevertheless, official indulgence of Russkii Obraz cannot be attributed merely to ignorance of its violent potential. This indulgence also reflected the fact that it was precisely those at the neo-fascist limits of the political spectrum who were most willing to collaborate in the regime's efforts to suppress demands for democratization.     

Working from strengths to assess changes in gender equality

This paper describes an empirical application of a strengths-based approach (SBA) to assess changes in gender equality, and draws out implications for research, evaluation, and wider development practice. We outline what constitutes a strengths-based approach and present a case study where a participatory methodology informed by appreciative inquiry was used to investigate gender outcomes of two water, sanitation, and hygiene-focused development initiatives. We consider the value and limitations of taking an explicitly strengths-based approach to assessing gender outcomes, and also propose that there are important arguments for why SBAs might be usefully applied in addressing (not just assessing) gender equality.

Travailler à partir des forces pour évaluer les changements sur le plan de l'égalité entre les sexes

Ce document décrit une application empirique d'une approche fondée sur les forces (AFF) pour évaluer les changements sur le plan de l'égalité entre les sexes, et en tire les implications pour les recherches, l'évaluation et les pratiques plus générales en matière de développement. Nous décrivons ce qui constitue une approche fondée sur les forces et présentons une étude de cas dans laquelle une méthodologie participative éclairée par une enquête appréciative a été utilisée pour examiner les résultats sur le plan du genre de deux initiatives portant sur l'eau, l'assainissement et l'hygiène. Nous considérons la valeur et les limites de l'adoption d'une approche expressément fondée sur les forces pour évaluer les résultats sur le plan du genre, et avançons par ailleurs qu'il y a des arguments importants concernant les raisons pour lesquelles les ABS pourraient être utilement appliquées au moment de tenter d'obtenir (et pas seulement d'évaluer) l'égalité entre les sexes.

Evaluando cambios en la igualdad de género a partir de las fortalezas

El presente artículo examina la aplicación empírica de un enfoque basado en fortalezas (SBA por sus siglas en inglés), destinado a valorar cambios en la igualdad de género y a analizar sus implicaciones en la investigación, la evaluación y las prácticas más generales relacionadas con el desarrollo. Las autoras hacen un bosquejo de lo que constituye un SBA. Presentan un estudio de caso en el que se utilizó una metodología participativa a partir de una investigación apreciativa, con el objetivo de realizar una pesquisa en torno a los resultados vinculados al género obtenidos en dos iniciativas de desarrollo enfocadas en agua, saneamiento e higiene. Asimismo, examinan el valor y las limitaciones implicadas en el uso explícito de un SBA para valorar los resultados relacionados con el género, sosteniendo que existen razones importantes para defender la utilización del SBA con el fin de obtener (y no sólo valorar) la igualdad de género.

Trabalhando a partir dos pontos fortes para avaliar mudanças na igualdade de gênero

Este artigo descreve uma aplicação empírica de uma abordagem baseada nos pontos fortes (SBA) para avaliar mudanças na igualdade de gênero e extrai as implicações para a pesquisa, avaliação e prática de desenvolvimento mais geral. Esboçamos o que constitui uma abordagem baseada nos pontos fortes e apresentamos um estudo de caso onde uma metodologia participativa com informações de uma investigação apreciativa foi utilizada para examinar os resultados de gênero de duas iniciativas de desenvolvimento focalizadas no fornecimento de água, saneamento e higiene. Consideramos o valor e as limitações de se adotar uma abordagem explicitamente baseada nos pontos fortes para avaliar os resultados de gênero e também propomos que há argumentos importantes que explicam por que as SBAs podem ser utilmente aplicadas na abordagem da igualdade de gênero (não apenas avaliando).     

One size does not fit all: choosing methods to inform area development

There have always been debates about the methods that should be used to inform and assess development programmes. Experimental methods have become highly advocated as agencies seek rigorous ways to show programme value. However, the benefits and appropriateness of these methods are frequently overstated. We use the Aga Khan Development Network's Quality of Life studies to show that periodic mixed methods approaches are useful to analyse programme contributions and inform area development. We argue that experimental methods should not be idealised, and that research questions and organisational learning should guide pragmatic methodological choices to inform development intervention in real-life contexts.

Une taille unique ne convient pas toujours : comment choisir des méthodes pour éclairer le développement des régions

Il y a toujours eu des débats sur les méthodes qui devraient être employées pour éclairer et évaluer les programmes de développement. Les méthodes expérimentales sont devenues très préconisées dans le cadre de la quête par les organisations de manières rigoureuses de démontrer la valeur de leurs programmes. Cependant, les avantages et le caractère approprié de ces méthodes sont souvent exagérés. Nous utilisons les études sur la qualité de la vie de l'Aga Khan Development Network pour montrer que les approches périodiques basées sur des méthodes mixtes sont utiles pour analyser les contributions des programmes et éclairer le développement des régions. Nous soutenons que les méthodes expérimentales ne devraient pas être idéalisées, et que les questions des recherches et l'apprentissage organisationnel devraient orienter des choix méthodologiques pragmatiques afin d'éclairer les interventions en matière de développement dans les contextes réels.

La unitalla no le queda a todos: seleccionando métodos que informen el desarrollo de áreas

Siempre han existido debates en torno a los métodos que deben usarse para fundamentar los programas de desarrollo y valorarlos. A medida que las agencias han buscado métodos rigurosos para demostrar el valor de sus programas, ciertos métodos experimentales han sido altamente promovidos. Sin embargo, los beneficios y lo apropiado de tales métodos a menudo se ha exagerado. En el presente artículo, los autores utilizan los estudios sobre la Calidad de Vida realizados por la Red de Desarrollo Aga Khan, con el fin de mostrar que los enfoques de métodos mixtos aplicados periódicamente resultan útiles para analizar los aportes de los programas y para potenciar el área de desarrollo. Asimismo, sostienen que no deben idealizarse los métodos experimentales y que las inquietudes de investigación y el aprendizaje organizacional deberán guiar las opciones metodológicas pragmáticas orientadas a fundamentar las acciones de desarrollo en la vida cotidiana.

Um único tamanho não serve para todos: Escolhendo métodos para informar a área de desenvolvimento

Tem havido frequentemente debates sobre os métodos que deveriam ser utilizados para informar e avaliar programas de desenvolvimento. Métodos experimentais têm sido altamente defendidos quando as agências buscam formas rigorosas de mostrar o valor do programa. Porém, os benefícios e adequação destes métodos são frequentemente superestimados. Utilizamos os estudos sobre Qualidade de Vida da Aga Khan Development Network para mostrar que abordagens de métodos mistos periódicos são úteis para analisar as contribuições dos programas e informar o desenvolvimento de área. Argumentamos que métodos experimentais não devem ser idealizados e que questões de pesquisa e aprendizado organizacional devem orientar escolhas metodológicas pragmáticas para fornecer informações à intervenção de desenvolvimento em contextos da vida real.     

The success of Afghan NGOs

During the 1990s, and as part of a broader drive towards the “Afghanisation” of humanitarian assistance in Pakistan, Afghan NGOs became key implementing agencies supporting refugee-related and reconstruction activities in Afghanistan. This paper provides a detailed account of their emergence and consolidation, with a twofold objective. First, it complements and contributes to recent studies on Afghan NGOs and Afghan civil society, by providing historical insights on their trajectory. Second, it assesses such trajectory as a way of engaging with broader discussions on the role of NGOs within humanitarian operations.

Le succès des ONG afghanes

Durant les années 1990, et dans le cadre d'une initiative plus générale vers l’« afghanisation » de l'assistance humanitaire au Pakistan, les ONG afghanes sont devenues des agences clés de mise en ?uvre soutenant des activités de reconstruction et d'aide aux réfugiés en Afghanistan. Cet article propose un compte rendu détaillé de leur apparition et de leur consolidation, dans un double objectif. En premier lieu il complète et contribue à des études récentes sur les ONG afghanes et la société civile afghane, en donnant un aperçu historique de leur trajectoire. En second lieu, il évalue cette trajectoire dans le but de prendre part à des discussions plus larges sur le rôle des ONG dans les opérations humanitaires.

El éxito de las ong afganas

Como parte de un esfuerzo dirigido a “afganizar” la asistencia humanitaria en Pakistán durante los años noventa, las ong afganas se volvieron agencias operativas clave para el apoyo de actividades vinculadas a los refugiados y a la reconstrucción en Afganistán. El presente artículo proporciona una historia detallada de su aparición y de su consolidación y tiene dos objetivos. En primer lugar, complementar y contribuir a los estudios recientes respecto a las ong afganas y a la sociedad civil afgana, esclareciendo su trayectoria histórica. En segundo lugar, realizar una valoración de dicha trayectoria como una manera de participar en el debate más amplio en torno al rol jugado por las ong en el ámbito de las operaciones humanitarias.

O sucesso de ONGs afegãs

Durante a década de 1990, como parte de uma orientação mais geral para a “Afeganização” da assistência humanitária no Paquistão, ONGs afegãs tornaram-se agências implementadoras cruciais que apoiam atividades relacionadas a refugiados e à reconstrução no Afeganistão. Este artigo oferece um relato detalhado sobre o seu surgimento e consolidação, com um duplo objetivo. Primeiramente, ele complementa e contribui para estudos recentes sobre ONGs afegãs e a sociedade civil afegã, fornecendo informações históricas sobre sua trajetória. Em segundo lugar, ele avalia tal trajetória como forma de engajamento com discussões mais gerais sobre o papel de ONGs dentro de operações humanitárias.     

Improving NGO governance: practical applications of the GATE approach

Non-governmental organisations face increasing demands to be accountable and transparent. Both need sound and timely evidence. Ensuring that these demands are satisfied is a key responsibility of governance, but fulfilling this requirement is a frequent weakness. A comprehensive approach to self-analysis – known as GATE – can make governing bodies more effective by better leadership of organisational responses to such demands. GATE works by: (1) making common sense connections to visualise the links between internal operations and generation of results, reputation, and resources, which makes complexity understandable and manageable; and (2) using a question-based ‘alignment’ resource to guide discussion and decision-making.

Améliorer la gouvernance des ONG: les applications pratiques de l'approche GATE

Les organisations non gouvernementales sont soumises à des exigences croissantes de redevabilité et de transparence. L'une et l'autre nécessitent des données concrètes solides et opportunes. Les efforts pour faire en sorte que ces exigences soient satisfaites constituent une responsabilité clé de la gouvernance, mais la satisfaction de cette exigence représente un point faible fréquent. Une approche complète de l'auto-analyse – connue sous l'acronyme GATE - peut rendre les organes responsables plus efficaces en dirigeant plus efficacement les réactions organisationnelles à ces exigences. GATE fonctionne : (1) en établissant des connexions sensées pour visualiser les liens entre les opérations internes et la génération de résultats, la réputation et les ressources, ce qui rend la complexité compréhensible et gérable ; et (2) en utilisant une ressource d’« alignement » basée sur des questions pour orienter la discussion et la prise de décisions.

Mejorar la gobernanza de las ONG: las aplicaciones prácticas del enfoque GATE

Cada vez más frecuentemente, las organizaciones no gubernamentales enfrentan demandas vinculadas a su rendición de cuentas y a su transparencia. Ambos aspectos requieren de información fidedigna y oportuna. Cumplir con estas demandas representa un aspecto importante de la gestión de las organizaciones. Sin embargo, a menudo, éstas presentan debilidades en este sentido. El presente artículo, hace referencia a la implementación de una metodología integral para el autoanálisis, conocida como GATE. La misma propicia el aumento en la eficacia de la gestión de estas organizaciones, mediante un mejor liderazgo a la hora de responder a estas demandas. GATE funciona: (1) generando vinculaciones de sentido común que permiten visualizar las conexiones entre la gestión interna y la generación de resultados, la reputación y los recursos, ante lo cual, lo complejo se vuelve comprensible y más manejable; y (2) utilizando un recurso de “alineamiento”, basado en preguntas, que orienta la discusión y la toma de decisiones.

Melhorar a ONG governança: aplicações práticas da abordagem GATE

Organizações Não-Governamentais enfrentam exigências cada vez maiores para serem responsáveis e transparentes. Para ambas exigências, são necessárias evidências confiáveis e oportunas. Garantir que estas exigências sejam satisfeitas é uma responsabilidade-chave de governança, mas cumprir esta exigência é frequentemente difícil. Uma abordagem abrangente para auto-análise – conhecida como GATE – pode tornar os órgãos governantes mais efetivos através de uma melhor coordenação de respostas organizacionais para tais demandas. A GATE trabalha: (1) fazendo conexões de senso comum para visualizar as ligações entre operações internas e geração de resultados, reputação e recursos, o que torna a complexidade compreensível e gerenciável e (2) utilizando um recurso de “alinhamento” baseado em questões para orientar a discussão e a tomada de decisões.     

Contextualising City-regional Issues,Strategies and their Use: the Flemish Story

This paper presents a contextualised analysis of what might be called the city-regional debate. The debate is unfolded in terms of four types of city-regional issues, eight common strategies to tackle the latter and the use thereof in Flanders. It is concluded that the way in which city-regional issues are dealt with in Flanders can be explained by its regime, consisting of an administrative, political and cultural dimension, in terms of a centralistic policy style combined with a weak institutional position of local governments, by a ‘localisation’ of regional politics and policies, both dominated by an anti-urban bias.     

Democracy and the politics of power alternation in Africa

Namibia's Nujoma, Zambia's Chiluba, Algeria's Bouteflika, Togo's Eyadema, Cameroon's Biya, Nigeria's Obasanjo, Niger's Tandja and Uganda's Museveni have all to varying degrees attempted to subvert the democratization process in their respective countries. These however are only a small selection of an increasingly similar pattern of action by incumbents in Africa. What is most troubling to democratic transitionists is a concerted effort by these leaders to curtail their fledgling democracies in the name of their continued ‘service’ to the people. This paper seeks to examine what has enabled an increasing number of African leaders to negate power alternation in favour of open-ended tenures otherwise ‘presidential careerism’. The article argues that while most of these states have been cited for embarking on some semblance of democratic rule, their rulers have utilized their weak democratic institutional structures, co-opted the elite and rallied the ‘mob’ to commit democracy ‘infanticide’.     

Turkey's Reform Effort Reconsidered, 1987–2004

The Helsinki Summit of the European Council in 1999 was a turning point in terms of clarifying a concrete membership perspective regarding candidate status for Turkey and accession to the European Union. Political reforms in Turkey to complete the 1993 Copenhagen criteria also gained significant momentum in the aftermath of the Summit. However, arguments stressing the influence of European Union conditionality seriously undervalue the gradual political transformation that Turkey was already undergoing in the years before 1999 and the societal pressure in Turkey that lay behind it. Basing Turkey's eligibility for membership wholly on the effects of European Union conditionality makes the democratic process extremely vulnerable to the still-delicate process of European Union–Turkey relations. The article aims to develop a more coherent explanation of the European Union's impact on Turkey's politics between 1987 and 2004, by offering an alternative framework of analysis based on Moravcsik's analysis of the European human-rights regime and Risse's theory of communicative action. The main argument is that the principal dynamics driving recent democratization in Turkey were its newfound location within the European human-rights regime and the increasing power of ‘European argument’ as an alternative way of resolving domestic conflicts.     

Is it none of their business? Business and democratization,the case of Turkey

This article explains how the Turkish business' regime preferences have evolved from pro-authoritarian to pro-democratic in the context of dual transitions, in response to changes in incentive structures shaped by domestic, regional and international parameters. It particularly focuses on big business and highlights the central role that greater exposure to international competition during the course of opening up and liberalization played in the evolution of its regime preferences. The article suggests that the central mechanism which has led to the regime preference change is socialization by strategic calculation facilitated by business' increasing incorporation into transnational networks. It asserts that the Turkish big business' experience is particularly interesting because international exposure not only created new opportunities for big business, but also new divisions and rivalries within the business community. These new rivals formed flourishing alliances with the government, with their accompanying claims to power that challenged the big business' previous hegemony in accessing state resources. In the process, big business' fear of losing its privileged status to rival business groups and the resulting uncertainties led big business to associate democratization with higher benefits, as they became increasingly aware of the link between democratization and diminished uncertainties, through their interaction with transnational business networks. Consequently, big business consolidated its pro-democratic stance as shifting domestic alliances enhanced the need for diminishing uncertainties, while internationalization along with the prospect of EU membership increased the cost of status quo.