首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1052篇
  免费   40篇
各国政治   73篇
工人农民   12篇
世界政治   39篇
外交国际关系   143篇
法律   132篇
中国共产党   104篇
中国政治   211篇
政治理论   146篇
综合类   232篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   8篇
  2022年   14篇
  2021年   12篇
  2020年   29篇
  2019年   19篇
  2018年   32篇
  2017年   33篇
  2016年   29篇
  2015年   22篇
  2014年   47篇
  2013年   105篇
  2012年   89篇
  2011年   66篇
  2010年   71篇
  2009年   77篇
  2008年   106篇
  2007年   68篇
  2006年   52篇
  2005年   39篇
  2004年   59篇
  2003年   37篇
  2002年   31篇
  2001年   25篇
  2000年   17篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有1092条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
911.
This article concentrates on charter school policy that is regarded as the fastest growing innovative policy in America. Its adoption is more impressive than other innovative policies in the public educational area. By 2008, 40 states among 50 American states have passed charter school law since Minnesota became the first pathfinder to create charter school law about two decades ago. However, 10 states have not adopted charter school law. Based on this dichotomous policy phenomenon, the primary research question of the study focuses on clarifying what factors drive American states to adopt charter school policy. To obtain answers for this research question, the study dedicates to analyzing main hypotheses from the regional diffusion model and state characteristics, using event history analysis. The results demonstrate that the three predictor variables—regional diffusion, similar innovation, and gubernatorial political tendency—positively have significant effects in explaining the adoption of American state charter school policy.  相似文献   
912.
全球区域经济一体化新趋势与中国的FTA策略选择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
匡增杰 《东北亚论坛》2013,(2):90-98,130
进入21世纪以来,以自由贸易协定(FTA)为主要形式的区域经济一体化浪潮在全球风起云涌并呈现出新的发展趋势。在此背景下,中国应当进一步顺应区域经济一体化发展的潮流,采取多维灵活的FTA战略,积极稳妥渐进地开展自由贸易区工作,逐步形成全球自由贸易区合作网络,在地区双边和多边贸易自由化进程中发挥更积极作用。  相似文献   
913.
John Arquilla 《政治交往》2013,30(3):155-172
Clear communication is generally viewed as requisite to the peaceful resolution of international crises. The success of bargaining, deterrent, and compellent strategies hinges on the credibility afforded by unambiguous signals exchanged between opponents. Despite the acknowledged importance of this ‘communication factor,’ little effort has been made to evaluate the relative effectiveness of the various modes of communication that may be employed in crisis. By means of theoretical and comparative case analysis, this study finds a substantial difference between the efficacy of traditional diplomatic negotiation and tacit measures, such as the deployment and/or exercise of military forces near the scene of crisis. Where negotiation alone often fails, backing, preceding, or, at times, replacing diplomacy with tacit measures affords the greatest chances for success. The policy implications of this finding are explored, particularly as they apply to U.S. regional ‘extended deterrent’ strategies for protecting geographically distant friends and interests.  相似文献   
914.
丁一文 《中国发展》2013,13(3):29-33
首都经济圈建设已经上升为国家战略,当前,首都经济圈内经济发展差距还较大,特别是基本医疗、社会保障等基本公共服务水平方面差距明显.首都经济圈建设是区域经济社会全面一体化发展的过程,推进公共服务领域的合作,是首都经济圈一体化发展的重要内容.该文在详细分析首都经济圈内公共服务差距的基础上,提出推动首都经济圈公共服务合作的基本思路和重点任务.  相似文献   
915.
Abstract

Regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific have been of limited efficacy. Asian members of organizations such as ASEAN and APEC have insisted that these institutions not infringe upon their sovereign rights. The basic norms, rules, structures and practices supporting these organizations have, to varying degrees, reflected this concern. A number of factors contribute to explaining this regional reluctance to create effective multilateral institutions. This paper argues that the single most important factor is the concern of most East Asian states with domestic political legitimacy. Drawing on the work of Muthiah Alagappa and Mohammed Ayoob, the paper demonstrates that a significant majority of the states of East Asia see themselves as actively engaged in the process of creating coherent nations out of the disparate ethnic, religious and political groups within the state. As a result, these states are reluctant to compromise their sovereignty to any outside actors. Indeed, the regional attitude towards multilateral institutions is that they should assist in the state-building process by enhancing the sovereignty of their members. As an exceptional case, Japan has encouraged regional institutionalism, but it has also been sensitive to the weaknesses of its neighbours, and has found non-institutional ways to promote its regional interests. The incentives to create effective regional structures increased after the Asian economic crisis, but Asian attempts to reform existing institutions or create new ones have been undermined by the issues connected to sovereignty. East Asian states recognize that they can best manage globalization and protect their sovereignty by creating and cooperating within effective regional institutions. However, their ability to create such structures is compromised by their collective uncertainty about their domestic political legitimacy. In the emerging international environment, being a legitimate sovereign state may be a necessary prerequisite to participating in successful regional organizations.  相似文献   
916.
This article argues that Japan’s growing activism in promoting multilateral regional security arrangements since the early 1990s stems from the country’s adoption of the ‘multi-tiered approach’; a new policy perspective that packages different types of coordination among region states, including bilateral, multilateral, and minilateral or subregional, in a layered, hierarchical manner. The significance of the approach explains why Japan has retained its enthusiasm for promoting multilateral arrangements, despite continuous criticism of their effectiveness and significance, as well as the marked decline in Japan’s economic power to support financially the country’s activism in regional institution-building. Meanwhile, the multi-tiered approach also explains Japan’s effort to maintain and strengthen its bilateral security relationship with the United States during the last decade. Four factors – a perceived change in the regional security order, growing self-recognition of major-power status, the legacy of history, and constitutional constraints – worked essentially to lead Japanese policy-makers to settle on a multi-tiered approach as a desirable policy choice in shaping the country’s security policy in post-Cold WarAsia.  相似文献   
917.
Scholars disagree whether local decision making is inherently more democratic and sustainable than centralized governance structures. While some maintain it is, due to the incorporation of local knowledge, citizen decision makers' closeness to the issues, and the benefits of participatory democracy, others find it as susceptible to issues of corruption and poor implementation as any other scale. We argue that with wetlands, a natural resource with critical local benefits, it is imperative to incorporate local governance, using the U.S. state of Connecticut as an example. Despite the American policy of No Net Loss, the local benefits of wetland resources cannot be aggregated on a national scale. Each local ecosystem needs wetland resources to ensure local ecological benefits such as flood control and pollution remission, as well as the substantial economic benefits of recreation. We illustrate the benefits of local control of wetlands with data from the American state of Connecticut, which consistently surpasses the federal wetland goal of No Net Loss due, we argue, to the governance structure of town‐level wetlands commissions. A national policy such as No Net Loss, where wetlands are saved or created in designated areas and destroyed in others, is insufficient when it ignores critical benefits for localities. The Connecticut system using local volunteers and unpaid appointees is a successful method for governing common‐pool wetland systems. In the case of Connecticut, we find that local decision making is not a “trap,” but instead an effective model of sustainable, democratic local governance.  相似文献   
918.
在国际格局变动中成长起来的东南亚   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
东南亚这一区域概念是在国际格局的变动中形成的 ,东南亚区域体系的形成也经历了一个漫长的过程。东南亚区域体系不只是被动受制于国际体系 ,它对国际体系也有一定的反弹。  相似文献   
919.
《宁夏党校学报》2014,(1):85-90
建设宁夏内陆开放型经济试验区必须站在国家战略高度高位谋划,以国家政策的大支持、地方政策的大突破,促进试验区的大建设,推动宁夏经济社会大跨越。比照国家给予天津滨海、海南国际旅游岛、福建海峡西岸经济区、河南中原经济区、图们江区域国际合作示范区、云南、广西北部湾、重庆两江、关天经济区、新疆喀什等地的政策,参照上述地区出台的地方性支持政策,结合宁夏实际对加快宁夏内陆开放型经济试验区建设从国家与宁夏回族自治区层面的重大政策进行专题研究。  相似文献   
920.
在新的历史起点上全面深化改革开放,是党的十八大提出的新的目标任务。党的十八大以来,习近平总书记围绕进一步深化改革开放作出大量调查研究和深入理论思考,发表了一系列重要论述。这些重要论述,深刻阐明了改革开放的重大意义,科学总结了改革开放的宝贵经验,庄严宣示了改革开放的坚定决心,精心谋划了改革开放的总体方案,为我们在新的历史起点上全面深化改革开放凝聚了共识和力量,指明了路径和方向,提供了科学的指南。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号