论反垄断法豁免制度

反垄断法是关于竞争与垄断及其相互关系的法律规范.竞争产生垄断,垄断又会加剧竞争,对两者关系的思考一定要放到社会经济发展的动态进程中去加以界定.我国的<反垄断法>呼之欲出.以反垄断的一个重要制度--豁免制度作为研究对象,着力剖析其在我国目前的社会现实经济状况和时代大背景下存在的合理性.     

应对竞争的抗辩:美国和欧共体反价格歧视法的比较与借鉴

价格歧视属于企业价格决策的一种,而价格决策很大程度上受制于企业所处的竞争地位和竞争环境.而价格歧视又是竞争法规范的对象.为了将与竞争法目标相容的和不相容的价格歧视区别出来,除了其他规则之外,美国和欧共体的竞争法还确立了应对竞争的抗辩,被控方可据此推翻指控.比较美国和欧共体竞争法中的有关规则,分析两者在这一问题上的相同点和不同之处,针对我国未来反垄断立法中的禁止价格歧视条款,提出具体的建议.     

对竞业禁止纠纷若干问题探析

商业秘密作为企业的一种无形资产和知识产权的重要组成部分,已经成为企业技术创新的重要内容和进行市场竞争的重要手段。本文就企业与员工的利益如何达到一种相对平衡,避免员工离职后与企业发生不必要的纠纷进行初步探讨。     

Linking democratic anchorage and regulatory authority: The case of internet regulators

Scholars and practitioners have repeatedly questioned the democraticness and the authority of transnational multi‐stakeholder organizations, especially those that regulate the internet. To contribute to this discussion, we studied the “democratic anchorages” and the regulatory authority of 23 internet regulators. In particular, we conducted a fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis assessing whether and which anchorages correspond to necessary and/or sufficient conditions for exerting regulatory authority. Our results show that strong anchorage in democratic procedures is specifically relevant for this outcome. Further, we find that weak anchorage in democratically elected politicians leads to high regulatory authority, confirming the significance of non‐state actors in this policy field. More generally, our findings support but also qualify expectations about the compatibility and mutual reinforcement of democratic quality and regulatory authority at the transnational level.     

论纵向非价格限制的反垄断规制

纵向非价格限制是市场竞争中的常见形式,但主要法域的法律实施对现实回应缺乏有效性和连贯性,中国《反垄断法》亦未对其作出明文规定而使法律实施处于不确定状态。比较分析欧盟法和美国法就纵向非价格限制的规制发展出来的逻辑与经验类型,可以确立:以品牌内竞争限制为起点从而影响品牌间竞争的经销限制应为纵向非价格限制反垄断规制的规范类型。进而,对其实施反垄断规制的进路,应以“品牌内-品牌间”竞争为分析主轴,考察规制的结构性因素和规制区间,分析反竞争影响与层次、确认效率及其促进竞争转化。最后,至关重要的是,要明确纵向垄断协议作为独立规范类型的内在逻辑、形成区格于横向垄断协议和滥用市场支配地位的分析方法。     

Attitudes towards highly skilled and low‐skilled immigration in Europe: A survey experiment in 15 European countries

To what extent do economic concerns drive anti‐migrant attitudes? Key theoretical arguments extract two central motives: increased labour market competition and the fiscal burden linked to the influx of migrants. This article provides new evidence regarding the impact of material self‐interest on attitudes towards immigrants. It reports the results of a survey experiment embedded in representative surveys in 15 European countries before and after the European refugee crisis in 2014. As anticipated by the fiscal burden argument, it is found that rich natives prefer highly skilled over low‐skilled migration more than low‐income respondents do. Moreover, the study shows that these tax concerns among the wealthy are stronger if fiscal exposure to migration is high. No support is found for the labour market competition argument predicting that natives will be most opposed to migrants with similar skills. The results suggest that highly skilled migrants are preferred over low‐skilled migrants irrespective of natives’ skill levels.     

Stepping in the same river twice: Stability amidst change in Eastern European party competition

Party competition in Eastern Europe faces a seeming paradox. On the one hand, research finds increased political volatility in these countries, while, on the other, some authors demonstrate inherent ideological stability in the region. This research note presents a new methodological approach to adjudicating between these two findings, and suggests that while political organisations come and go, the ideological structure of party competition in Eastern Europe is strikingly steady. By developing a number of different measures of the dimensional structure of party competition, the consistency of the measures across countries, as well as their relative stability within countries over time, is demonstrated. The findings speak to current developments in Eastern Europe, and have implications beyond the region. The conclusion that even volatile party systems can be underpinned by stable ideological oppositions points to two different types of party system structure: one related to parties as organisations, and the other related to parties as expressions of political divides.     

Demonisation and electoral support for populist radical right parties: A temporary effect

Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.     

Competition and switching in public service markets: Can they reduce inequalities?

Regulatory reforms to public infrastructure services across European Union (EU) countries were aimed at increasing consumer welfare by introducing competition and choice into service markets. However, empirical evaluations have questioned whether these reforms have benefitted all consumers, suggesting that vulnerable groups of service users (especially those with lower levels of formal education), might be locked into poorly performing services. We assess the relationship between the level of competition in electricity and fixed telephony markets in EU countries and evaluate the affordability of these services for different socio‐educational layers. Our findings show that – although in countries where there is a relatively high frequency of switching, inequalities between socio‐educational groups are smaller and eventually disappear – competition as such does not play a part. These results suggest that demand‐side regulation that successfully enables consumer switching has the potential to equalize social welfare, thereby reflecting a possible convergence of regulatory instruments and the central aims of the welfare state in this context.