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151.
Emmeline Chuang Bowen McBeath Crystal Collins-Camargo Mary I. Armstrong 《Journal of public child welfare》2014,8(1):1-24
Dramatic growth in health and human service contracting over the past two decades has increased the need for managerial competency in the development and sustainment of effective cross-sector partnerships. Although the quality of relations between partnering agencies can affect client outcomes, few macro-level interventions for strengthening cross-sector partnerships have been described or tested in the literature. This article describes a facilitated, strategic planning process implemented in five different states and presents pre-post test results of its effect on different factors known to affect partnership success. Implications for child welfare administrative practice and research are discussed. 相似文献
152.
Liliana Hernandez Cristina Magaña Danielle Zuñiga Jennifer James Sophia Lee 《Journal of public child welfare》2014,8(4):397-415
This article describes key programmatic and evaluation elements that guided the implementation of the San Diego County YMCA Kinship Navigator Program. A 3-year demonstration project funded by the Administration on Children Youth and Families designed to build a regional navigator system in collaboration with the local child welfare agency to support kinship caregivers. Kinship caregivers (relatives and non-relatives) play a significant role in the well-being of the children in their care. The findings suggest that successfully implemented kinship navigator models are a viable preventive intervention for addressing the needs of kinship families. 相似文献
153.
This article reports on a program- and case-level cost analysis of five replication sites of an efficacious child neglect prevention program. Approximately one-third of all sites' total labor hours were expended on direct family services and casework support for a specific family, with the remainder spent on indirect implementation support and program administration activities. Including non-personnel costs, the all-site mean total cost per family was $6,276, ranging across sites from $2,245 to $10,260. Costs varied greatly among individual families within sites. More research is needed to understand factors associated with differences in cost. 相似文献
154.
提高直接税比重是优化我国税制结构和调节收入分配的重要实现途径,但可能同时对经济增长和社会福利产生影响。当政府降低消费税,如果维持长期总税收不变,那么不管是提高工资收入税税率还是资本收入税税率,经济中的资本积累和生产规模都会有一定程度的缩减;从长期看,提高直接税比重会降低消费者福利,但是转型过程中可能会有部分代际受益。相比于提高资本收入税,提高工资收入税税率在长期给经济增长和消费者福利带来的负效应更为明显。 相似文献
155.
Michael Griffiths 《当代亚洲杂志》2019,49(4):602-625
ABSTRACTGrowing precarity amongst rural households in Myanmar is characterised by increasingly debt-fuelled agriculture, decreasing sufficiency and sustainability of rural livelihoods and an absence of social safety nets. This constrains the capacity for viable livelihoods, as risk-averse coping strategies undermine long-term economic sustainability. In this context, informal support networks may be expected to decline or collapse. However, recent evidence demonstrates the widespread emergence of community-based social organisations in rural communities, formed along traditional principles of reciprocity. Analysis of large-scale rural household surveys demonstrates that such organisations are found in nearly 40% of communities in rural Myanmar. These organisations collect and redistribute funds to help with healthcare, education, funerals and other social needs. The presence of such organisations is linked to higher levels of household resilience, achieved through reducing the inequalities linked to gender, disability and poverty, and through providing enabling environments for effective income diversification. Communities with higher levels of migration are more likely to have community-based social organisations, possibly a result of economic and social remittances. In the absence of effective formalised social protection, these social organisations provide most of the social assistance in rural communities, representing new networks of reciprocity in the face of increasing precarity. 相似文献
156.
家族企业治理模式的动态均衡 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
何轩 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2010,1(3):0-62
最新研究指出,家族意图是衡量企业家族化程度的一个重要维度,它的提出对家族企业研究产生了重大影响,家族意图与家族企业治理之间的关系也随即引起了学者们的重视。家族企业天然存在着两类代理人,为了实现家族意图,中国的家族企业家是如何权衡利用关系治理和契约治理两种治理模式,在家族成员和外聘经理人这两类代理人之间实现动态均衡,非常值得关注。 相似文献
157.
福特主义工业社会向后福特主义服务经济的转变,赋予各类福利国家诸多新特征。从职业分层来看,经济服务化过程中大量专业岗位的创造及其对熟练技能的需求,使得教育以及其他社会政策,越来越成为推动阶层流动的决定力量。从收入分布来看,全球化、去管制化、去工业化与老龄化、经济服务化、城市化的叠加,使得福利国家模式普遍呈现出收入极化或不平等,中产衰退的迹象也比较明显。效率公平权衡的努力,进一步加剧了福利国家模式分化。鉴于高度现代化过程中不断出现的困难和挑战,产业均衡发展,经济政策与社会政策协调,构成稳妥推进共同富裕的重要基础。 相似文献
158.
Sritua Arief 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(1):84-98
This essay investigates how the degeneration of state socialist regimes and the transition to market-Leninist political economies in China and Vietnam have shaped institutional arrangements governing welfare and its stratification effects. Engaging recent theoretical literature one welfare regimes, the article explores how the evolution of specific combinations of political and economic institutions in China and Vietnam has affected the production and reproduction of welfare and stratification. The common assumption that welfare regimes reflect the structured interests of dominant political and economic actors and thus serve to reproduce that regime is found to invite an excessively static perspective. Instead this essay argues that welfare regimes and stratification in contemporary China and Vietnam require an appreciation of their properties under state-socialism and how specific paths of extrication affected their degeneration and subsequent development under a new form of political economy. The essay also probes the significance of observed differences in China and Vietnam’s political structure in light of suggestions that Vietnam’s more pluralistic political system has made its welfare regime more redistributive than China’s. An alternative perspective suggests China’s wealth obviates the significance of such differences. 相似文献
159.
Sarbeswar Sahoo 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):487-508
Abstract Globalisation has had far-reaching implications for the dynamics of liberal democracy and governance in India. With the opening of the Indian economy in the 1990s, global market forces and private sector organisations have played an increasingly significant role in the political life of the nation. Given this background, several central questions are addressed. How has globalisation affected the way that state and civil society relations in India are constituted? In particular, what are its political implications for the poor who had previously relied on the services provided by the post-colonial state that carried out significant welfare-orientated functions? The paper argues that the contradictions of globalisation have transformed the dependent identity of the poor and marginalised toward a greater propensity for collective mobilisation. While the longer-term outcomes of such mobilisation remains unclear, the hegemonic position of entrenched elites is more clearly being challenged by the emergence of new agendas of inclusion, welfare rights and social justice appearing under conditions of neo-liberal globalisation. 相似文献
160.
Jamie Doucette 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):388-413
ABSTRACT:In the 2012 Korean presidential election, both liberal and conservative parties fought their campaigns on the slogan of “economic democratization,” marking a strong departure from past presidential elections and the growth-first policies of the then-incumbent conservative administration. Both parties pledged to tackle growing social polarization and the concentration of economic power by reforming the corporate governance of Korea's large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol), to the degree that chaebol reform itself became synonymous with economic democratization. This focus led to a series of heated exchanges among liberal-left reformers about the vision of economic democratization being promoted, with one camp favoring the creation of a “fair market” through the restructuring of the chaebol and another promoting the protection of the chaebol’s management rights over their affiliates as a desirable strategy for the creation of a Korean welfare state. This essay examines the long-standing tensions between these two liberal-left perspectives and argues that the capital-centric and market-based visions these camps promoted risk confining intellectual debate over the meaning of economic democracy within boundaries that serve dominant political interests. 相似文献