Attitudes toward Consent-Based and Non-Consent-Based International Law in a Regional Power Context

International legal scholars have identified and argued for and against new forms of non-consent-based international law. We study variation in Brazilian public opinion about adherence to international law created in three different ways: through a consent-based multilateral treaty, by the U.N. Security Council with the participation of Brazil, and by the U.N. Security Council without the participation of Brazil. Information that Brazil has participated in creating the international legal obligation through a multilateral treaty or membership on the Security Council yields levels of support for adherence to the legal obligation that are similar to those found when the origins of the legal obligation are generic. Information that the international legal obligation was created without Brazil’s participation, on the other hand, results in reduced support for compliance. This difference, which is particularly concentrated among highly educated respondents, is not driven by reduced concerns about reputational consequences or sanctions. Our results suggest that the increased use of non-consent-based forms of international law might be challenged by a lack of public support for compliance.     

The moderating role of identification and campaign exposure in party cueing effects

In a democracy, citizens are expected to have political opinions. Previous research has shown that citizens, in part, form their opinions by following cues from political parties. Building on this literature, this article argues that these cueing effects are the result of individuals identifying with political parties, leading to parties as credible sources and alignment of attitudes to maintain in-group coherence (motivated reasoning). However, party cues can only be successful when individuals are actually exposed to these cues, which previous research has not explicitly studied. Using survey data (N = 20,893) collected from 21 EU member states, this study shows that cueing effects indeed depend on the strength of party identification and the degree of exposure. These results demonstrate the contingent nature of party cueing effects which are also changing as party loyalties decrease.     

Seeing the Lexus for the Olive Trees? Public Opinion,Economic Interdependence,and Interstate Conflict

Many scholars argue that economic interdependence and more extensive economic ties between countries decreases the risk of violent conflict between them. However, despite considerable research on the “capitalist peace” at the macro or dyadic level, there has been less attention to its possible individual-level microfoundations or underpinnings. We argue that public perceptions about economic ties with other states and the costs of conflict should influence the expected constraints on the use of force for leaders. Actual high interdependence and potential economic costs may not suffice to create political constraints on the use of force if people are unaware of the degree of interdependence or fail to understand the benefits of trade and the likely economic costs of disruptive conflict. We examine the linkages between individual perceptions about economic interdependence and their views on conflict and peace through a survey experiment, where we ask respondents in Japan about approval for belligerent actions in a territorial dispute with China and varying information about economic ties. Our findings indicate that greater knowledge and information about economic interdependence affects attitudes about territorial disputes and increases support for peaceful solutions with China.     

Proud to Be a Public Servant? An Analysis of the Work-Related Determinants of Professional Pride among Dutch Public Servants

ABSTRACT

A proud public servant is defined as someone who works honorably, conscientiously, and with dedication. Although professional pride has several positive effects on the performances of public servants, it is not instantly apparent which instruments help to stimulate pride. This study combines the Job Demands-Resources model and the High Performance Work Practices taxonomy to analyze the determinants of pride. The analysis of a large dataset of Dutch public servants shows that their professional pride can barely be influenced by High-Performance Work Practices but is in particular determined by the work environment and personal experiences related to the work.     

省级以下检察院职务犯罪案件立案备案制度的调查分析

职务犯罪案件立案备案制度的目的在于加强上级检察院对下级检察院的业务领导,加强对直接受理案件内部监督制约,提高职务犯罪侦查案件质量.经过近二十年的实践,立案备案工作形成了独具特色的运行机制,但在制度规定和实践运作中仍存在不足,应在法律规定、运行机制、信息交流等方面进一步完善.     

试论犯罪被害人补偿制度

目前,很多国家通过立法的形式建立了十分完善的被害人补偿制度。而我国尽管超常规地赋予了被害人当事人地位,但由于没有建立起国家补偿制度和诉讼外的社会援助制度,因而,除极少数被害人能通过刑事附带民事诉讼得到部分损害赔偿外,绝大多数被害人的物质损失和精神损失难以得到应有的赔偿。因此,制定《犯罪被害人补偿法》,以立法的方式对被害人补偿作出明确规定,不仅能够在一定程度上解除被害人的生活困境,而且还可以有效地缓和社会的报应情感,从而维持、确保国民对包括刑事司法在内的法治秩序的信赖,并对预防犯罪和维护社会稳定做出贡献。     

关于创设民事诉讼证明妨碍制度的基本视野

在我国的民事诉讼上，证明妨碍行为早已普遍存在并有继续蔓延的趋势，终因我国理论界对此现象未加以应有的重视，并且在立法及司法上严重滞后，使受妨碍人不能得到应有的救济，这种情形严重妨碍了程序上公平与正义的实现。由此，证明妨碍行为成为我国民事证据制度上亟待解决的一个问题。     

我国公司法人代表制论纲

公司法人代表与人格化了的公司相伴而生,其对外代表公司法人的相关理论包括代理说和机构说,并因法人拟制说与实在说的对峙而纷争不止。公司法人代表制作为公司法人治理结构的一项重要制度安排而为各国所重视,并由法律设定为一元制、多元制和折衷制等不同形式。我国采用一元制的法定代表人制,尽管合乎历史规律但却不符当今现实。在法人本质理论上采取拟制说,将私法自治引入《公司法》,采多元制的法人代表制,明确代表权只是对外代表法人进行活动的身份资格而非公司事务的执行权,不失我国目前公司法人治理结构的一种良性尝试。     

我国代表人诉讼制度之缺陷及其矫正

我国代表人诉讼制度由于自身存在的缺陷,而不能被成功地启动和应用,影响了其应具有的价值和功能,因而需要从取消权利登记、改良公告程序、放宽代表人适格条件等方面进行矫正。     

改革开放以来党内民主发展的历史考察

党内民主不仅是理论问题，更是关系到政党生命的现实问题。中国共产党在长期的革命和建设实践中，对党内民主问题作了深刻的理论探讨，进行了丰富的现实实践。本文通过考察十一届三中全会以来党内民主发展的历史轨迹，初步研究了新时期党内民主发展的历史条件和历史进程，力图寻找其发展轨迹，总结其历史经验，给党内民主建设以借鉴。