The rise of a hesitant EU host? Examining the Greek migrant integration policy and its transformation during the crisis

Greece lately, as a result of the crisis, has been transformed from a migrant receiving (host) country to a simultaneously migrant sending and receiving one. At the same time, processes of migrant de-integration from the economy and society have been manifesting too. This paper attempts to draw light on Greek migrant integration policy, which through the years has been characterized by a contradiction between policy narratives and concrete actions on the ground. More specifically, this paper brings to the fore a policy change that occurred during the period 2012–2015 and possibly continues up to now. According to this policy shift, special emphasis was put on the acquisition of the European long-term resident status from the part of already settled migrants as a passport to their intra-European mobility. Politically speaking, such developments were heralded as a win–win situation for both migrants, but also, Greece as a host country. Nevertheless, this rise of a hesitant EU host, who turned its integration policy into a managing migration endeavour, might be indicative of broader tendencies and trends within an expanded EU migratory landscape that includes both migration, but lately most importantly, asylum too.     

The problem with English(es) and linguistic (in)justice. Addressing the limits of liberal egalitarian accounts of language

Van Parijs’s Linguistic Justice for Europe and the World furthers a nascent examination of multilingualism within political philosophy, drawing on continental European contexts where multilingualism is the norm. Van Parijs argues, in effect for linguistic cosmopolitanism via English as the current world language, and this seems ostensibly to be a considerable improvement on ‘the untrammeled public monolingualism’ of Anglo-American political theory. However, Van Parijs’s account is flawed in four key respects. First, there is the fundamental problem of his reductionist account of language – by which language is viewed only in terms of its communicative uses and reach and not in relation to its symbolic and identity functions. Second is his simplistic advocacy of English as a global lingua franca, which ignores issues of power and inequality, along with related delimited access to high-status English language varieties. Third are the inherent limitations associated with his advocacy of linguistic territoriality, which recognizes state-sanctioned languages but little else, thus failing to mitigate existing linguistic hierarchies. Finally, the wider argument for English as a global lingua franca is inevitably underpinned by a monolithic/hegemonic view of English itself. This monolithic conception of English stands in contradistinction, not only to the actual plethora of Englishes in the world today, but also, more importantly, to their widely varying status and use in furthering cross-communication and related notions of social and economic mobility. The latter thus fatally undermines Van Parijs’s central argument linking social and economic mobility ineluctably to access to English.     

二元劳动力市场背景下就业质量的提升机制研究 ——基于 CLDS 数据的实证分析

中国城市劳动力市场的二元分割背景下,劳动者的就业质量提升机制呈现出一定的差异性。研 究基于资本和职业流动视角,利用中国劳动力动态调查（CLDS）数据,多重考察和检验不同劳动力市场影响劳 动者就业质量提升的因素。研究发现：首要劳动力市场就业者的知识人力资本、弱关系型社会资本、干部职位 政治资本对提升就业质量有积极作用,次要劳动力市场就业者通过提升知识人力资本、技术人力资本、弱关系 型社会资本、干部职位政治资本提升就业质量;首要劳动力市场就业者通过主动、自愿的职业流动实现就业质 量的提升,次要劳动力市场就业者通过增加职业流动次数有效提升就业质量;资本因素对首要劳动力市场就业 者通过职业流动提升就业质量不具有抑制作用,但一定程度上会抑制次要劳动力市场就业者通过职业流动提升 就业质量的作用。因此,要充分了解劳动者的诉求与真实就业状况,帮助次要劳动力市场就业者增加资本 ( 人力 资本、社会资本、政治资本 ) 的投入和积累,以提升其就业质量。