马克思主义革命思想与中国共产党的使命担当

马克思主义革命思想有着丰富的理论内涵和实践内涵。中国共产党在领导中国革命的过程中,担负着实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史使命,实现了马克思主义革命思想的时代化和中国化,体现了政治革命与社会革命是阶段性与长期性的统一、革命目的与革命手段是原则性与灵活性的统一、革命理想与革命结果是必然性与偶然性的统一,证实了相对落后国家可以先于发达资本主义国家通过革命走上社会主义道路,通过革命发展社会主义。     

我国电子废弃物回收处理研究——基于生产者责任延伸制度

当前,我国电子废弃物回收处理存在一些问题,为此,应结合我国企业的发展实际,尽快建立和完善以生产者责任延伸制度为切入点的电子废弃物回收与处理体系,从根本上解决电子废弃物对环境的负面影响。     

我国行业协会承担产品责任的思考

由行业协会的自身特点决定,行业协会不应在会员产品存在瑕疵并给消费者造成损害时独善其身,且应当在一定条件下承担相应的侵权责任。目前我国对行业协会承担产品责任的立法尚处于初级阶段。一方面,应当更加系统地在立法中明确、细化由行业协会承担产品责任的具体情形,另一方面应采用民事责任承担的新模式,将会员利益与行业协会利益、社会公共利益相结合,让行业协会的自律监督职能真正得以实现,使其成为遏制行业性产品责任事件的一道有效的"防火墙"。     

有限责任内涵的实证分析——一种公司损失分摊的法律规则

有限责任既不是公司的法律责任,也不是股东的法律责任,而是一种公司损失的分摊规则。从实证角度分析,有限责任是股东分摊公司"有限损失"的一种制度设计。根据有限责任规则,股东对公司损失实行"定额分摊",而社会﹙主要但不限于债权人﹚则实行"余额分摊"。鉴于公司损失涉及到社会分摊问题,公司不仅是"利益共同体",也是"损失共同体",这是公司相关制度刚性设计的基础。     

Concurrent Duties

This paper offers an account of concurrent liability, and in particular the existence of, and interaction between, concurrent contractual and non‐contractual duties. It argues for five essential propositions: (1) a defendant can owe simultaneous private law duties towards a claimant, the content of which overlaps in whole or in part; (2) cases of concurrent liability in contract and negligence involve independent duties, which are concurrent but not coextensive; (3) the doctrine of concurrent liability is conceptually distinct from the rule that the claimant must elect between inconsistent remedies; (4) if the defendant commits a wrong in breach of more than one duty, the claimant has a prima facie choice to sue for any of those breaches; and (5) the content of one any duty might affect the content of the other. The last of these principles, it is argued, provide an explanation for the recent decisions in Wellesley Partners v Withers and AIB v Mark Redler.     

谦抑、民主、责任与法治——对中国立法理念的重思

立法理念是立法活动所必须遵守的最基本的程序或制度约束，而非立法主体在立法时所要追求的价值目标和理想。现代立法的制度设计者必须认真考虑立法权的范围和限度、立法权的归属和行使方式、立法权不当行使的责任、以适当的法律约束立法权等四个基本问题。与此相对应的四种立法理念是谦抑、民主、责任、法治，因此，阐释这四种立法理念的内涵，特别是重点讨论这些立法理念转化为立法实践的可能途径，对于立法实践将具有重要的现实意义。     

预防罪责理论介评——以德国刑法学说为主线的展开

罪责原则具有限制刑罚权发动的机能,因此被视为刑法的基石而不容动摇.但是刑法中的罪责概念并非一成不变,它随着时代的发展历经了概念的演变.从预防角度解读罪责的实质内涵是晚近德国学界发展出来的重要思潮,其中以雅科布斯教授提出的功能罪责论和以罗克辛教授提出的答责性理论为代表.预防罪责理论的创出招致了学者的质疑与批评,但是也引发了对罪责与预防关系的深入思考.     

美国青少年责任感的培育及其启示

责任感是一种高尚的道德情感,其内在结构包括责任意识、责任情感和责任行为。青少年时期是责任感培育的关键时期,加强青少年的责任教育已成为各国共识。责任教育是美国公民教育的重要组成部分,通过学校的责任教育和实践活动培育青少年的责任感取得了不错的成效,积极吸取美国青少年责任感培育的经验,并结合我国实际国情加以利用,是提升我国青少年责任感培育效果的重要途径。将家庭、学校和社区紧密联系起来进行责任教育,培育青少年对于他人、社会、国家的责任感是每一个德育工作者的重要工作。     

Voices

正"Developing countries need to take the primary responsibility for national development.At the same time,the international community should help developing countries to build capacity,put in place a fair,equitable,inclusive and well-organized international economic and i nancial order and enable developing countries to make full use of their resources endowment,take an active part in the global value chain and cultivate a competitive edge in the course of opening-up so that they will benei t from globalization."     

Holding parties responsible at election time: Multi-level,multi-party government and electoral accountability

This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context – an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed.