管制刑司法适用的几个问题

管制刑适用比例低的原因除了主观因素外,还有客观方面的因素,即管制刑不是随意适用的,只有在符合管制刑的条件下才能加以适用。完全否认刑法第39条对管制刑犯的限制性作用是不可取的,并非是刑法第39条规定不具有限制性,而是由于执行不力使刑法第39条规定的限制性作用得不到执行。“社区服务令”是某些国家规定的一种刑罚方式,但在我国刑法中却缺少法律依据,因而管制刑不能由“社区刑罚”取代。     

澳门劳资纠纷处理制度的结构、功能及启示

澳门劳资纠纷处理制度在结构上分为三部分,劳工事务局、检察院、法院依据法律对劳资纠纷有不同的处理权限,劳工事务局通过劳动监察处理绝大多数的劳资纠纷,依凭行政处罚以及提起刑事诉讼的强威慑,涉嫌劳动违法的企业在此阶段多会选择与劳工达成和解。检察院对劳动监察"下漏"的纠纷继续进行调解。及至法院,纠纷数量已极大减少,且主要集中于法律问题。此种以劳动监察为主体,法院为最终解决方式,注重调解的劳资纠纷处理结构,有助于帮助劳工高效维权,提升劳工对于政府的信赖,降低司法压力,对于内地当前正在进行的劳资纠纷处理制改革具有借鉴意义。     

加拿大产品责任法及其对中国的启示

加拿大产品责任法虽受美国影响很大,但它在很多方面又与美国产品责任法有较大不同。它在归责理论、集团诉讼、损害赔偿等方面都有所发展,拒绝适用严格责任、允许集团诉讼、限制惩罚性赔偿、某种程度的厌讼是加拿大产品责任法的重要特征。加拿大产品责任法体系与原则的形成与其公共健康体系、产品责任保险、高昂的诉讼费以及诉讼费用承担原则有密切关系。相比之下,中国解决产品纠纷有更多依赖诉讼、过分强调严格责任的趋势,因此,加拿大产品责任法的解决机制给中国产品责任立法很大启示。     

Capability,Credibility, and Extended General Deterrence

Deterrence theory suggests that extended general deterrent threats are likely to be more effective when a potential challenger views them as capable and credible. When states sign formal defense pacts, they are making explicit extended general deterrent threats. Thus, the population of defense pacts allows us an opportunity to judge the efficacy of extended deterrent threats with different characteristics. We find that defense pacts with more capability and more credibility reduce the probability that a member state will be a target of a militarized dispute. We also find that states can affect the capability and credibility of their extended deterrent threats through alliance design. Members of defense pacts that include higher levels of peacetime military coordination are less likely to be attacked. This analysis provides support for deterrence theory in the context of extended general deterrence. It also provides evidence that should aid policymakers in designing security structures to meet their goals.     

You’ve Got to Know When to Fold ‘Em: International and Domestic Consequences of Capitulation, 1919–1999

This article explores the effect of acquiescing to compellent threats on the probability that a leader loses office and on the probability that he or she is targeted in a subsequent international crisis. Using a leader-specific punishment (LSP) model that corrects for the endogeneity between domestic and international politics, an analysis of over 9,000 observations during the period 1919–1999 suggests that backing down generally increases both the risk of becoming a target and the probability of losing office. Leaders who back down to coercive threats without a fight are almost twice as likely to become targets in subsequent crises and much more likely to lose office than those who do not. Democratic leaders are more at risk than their autocratic counterparts for loss of office and becoming targets if they acquiesce to coercive threats.     

县级党代表直选的实践探索──以浙江省台州市路桥区为例

党代表选举是党代表任期制的基础,党代表的产生方式、结构比例、代表性等问题是选举过程中所面临的重要问题。台州市路桥区试行的县级党代表直选,其本质特征是竞争性选举,增强了党员的主体意识,有利于党员主体作用的发挥,是完善党代表任期制和改革党内选举制度的有益探索。其探索实践表明,在试点基础上,党代表直选以县级层面为突破口和切入点,通过横向拓展,将对整个党内选举制度的改革和完善产生较为深远的影响。     

Security,Not Defence,Strategic, Not Habit: Restructuring the Political Arrangements for Policy Making on Britain's Role in the World

The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government has committed itself to a Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDR) in 2010. The government and the country face very hard choices to bring United Kingdom defence and security policy back from the brink of bankruptcy—both financial and strategic (Gow). To succeed, it must overcome the failings of the past (Chisnall, Dorman, Rees) and take a truly open and radical look at all aspects of policy and process—including the Trident independent nuclear deterrent (Allen), relations with Europe (Witney) and the importance of cyber‐issues in the future security context (Fisher). It must get strategic concepts right to provide flexibility with credibility (Stone). It must deliver ‘what the military wants’: true strategic prioritisation, radical defence acquisition reform, and credible balancing of resources and commitments (Kiszley). The scale of the challenge facing the United Kingdom in—and beyond—the 2010 SDR is why The Political Quarterly convened a workshop early in 2010 involving MPs, practitioners, retired military personnel, journalists, commentators, business people and academics, and publishes these associated papers. Most of all, to overcome the failings of the past, there must be a radical move beyond the welcome first steps of the Cameron–Clegg government to introduce a National Security Council and a National Security Advisor, to reconfigure relationships within government, across departments and with Parliament to have a government figure of accountability and responsibility—a Secretary of State for Security Policy, primus inter pares with other Secretaries of State—to make sense of the questions needing to be asked and answered (Gearson and Gow).     

中国-东盟警察教育训练交流合作的制约因素与对策

当前中国-东盟警察教育训练交流合作的开展和发展存在一些制约因素。针对这些问题,要采取切实有效的措施与对策,促进中国-东盟警察教育训练交流合作的发展。     

Taking stock: A Meta-Analysis of the Predictors of Restrictive Housing

Two competing views on the use of restrictive housing have emerged in the literature. The first position has argued that restrictive housing helps make correctional institutions safer and more secure environments, largely by incapacitating violent and dangerous inmates. In contrast, a second perspective has maintained that restrictive housing not only causes serious psychological damage and increases criminal coping, but also that it has served as a mechanism for officials to punish certain groups of inmates unfairly. This study tests these competing hypotheses by meta-analyzing the literature on the predictors of placement in restrictive housing. The results of this investigation provide support for both perspectives. The implications of the study’s findings are discussed.