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51.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(1):74-98
ABSTRACTThe monarchy and the country’s military dominate discussions of Thai political history. The country’s democratic history meanwhile is much less well known. To many people, historiography – the history of the writing of history – is a dull affair that only concerns academics. But the changing representations of the origins of democracy in the 1932 revolution that ended the absolute monarchy show the politics of history as a continuous problem that still shapes Thai society. The interpretations have been bound to the bitter partisanship that has accompanied a history of political instability. This article examines the changing interpretations of 1932 in their historical contexts and demonstrates the central antagonism towards the ideal of popular sovereignty, despite its long history in the country, that is still held by the military and monarchic elite. 相似文献
52.
Mehrdad Mashayekhi 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2001,15(2):283-313
In April 1980 government forces invaded college campuses and closed down the universities for a three-year period under the pretext of a cultural revolution. A post-revolutionary student movement was able to appear as new to the political scene only as of early 1997. This essay provides a sociological analysis of the post-revolutionary student movement in Iran by focusing on: (1) the general structural role of university campuses and, in particular, the role of the Office for Consolidation of Unity (O.C.U.) in mobilizing the movement; 2) the 1997 election of President Khatami which provided a new political opportunity; and 3) the new reformist/legalistic political culture of the movement which allows it to adapt to the complex challenges of everyday politics in Iran. 相似文献
53.
马克思实现了怎样的哲学革命是解读马克思的前提性问题。对于马克思哲学革命的实质,学术界存在着辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义统一的科学世界观、历史唯物主义、实践哲学、各部门哲学隐含的独特理解、生存论解读、现代性批判与本体论批判的出场路径解读,以及以哲学的方式面向现实人的生活世界等诸种争论。实际上,在西方哲学近现代转型的背景下,马克思哲学革命的实质在于马克思开辟的哲学现实化道路。 相似文献
54.
Laurie R. Lambert 《圆桌》2013,102(2):143-153
Abstract What role did the newspaper play in attempting to influence public opinion in the early stages of the Grenada Revolution and what are the terms in which printed discourses on the revolution were conceptualised? The Grenada Revolution was a discursive political process where branding and narration were necessary elements in securing the revolution’s authority and legitimacy. This paper argues that Cuba functioned as a metonym through which the revolution was translated in Grenadian periodicals. Even before the coup of 13 March 1979 Grenadian media represented the New Jewel Movement—the revolutionary party—as Cuban-inspired and socialist. In order to examine how socialism in general, and the socialist character of the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) in particular, was narrated, a comparison is staged between two newspapers—the government-run Free West Indian and the privately owned The Torchlight. Competing discourses on Cuban communism are analysed for the ways in which they stood-in for the Grenadian people’s hopes, aspirations and anxieties in the midst of radical political change. Issues including race, gender equality, property ownership, freedom of religious practice and freedom of travel are examined in relation to capitalism and socialism, and the PRG’s efforts to maintain narrative authority of the revolution. 相似文献
55.
Taavi Minnik 《Journal of Baltic studies》2015,46(1):35-47
World War I changed more than just the political map of Europe. One noteworthy consequence of the revolutions and war in East and Central Europe was the brutalization of human relations. Estonia saw three major “paroxysms” of violence in 1918–1919, which, although relatively limited in scale, are examples of the brutalization of human relations that occurred in the postwar period. The years 1918 and 1919 marked the first explosion of mass terror in Estonia, which led to the death of almost 2000 civilians. This article explores the preconditions and the stages of this terror focusing on the relationship between occupation, revolution, and land distribution. The author argues that the cycle of violence was unleashed by the radical transformation of landownership at the end of 1917. The previous owners often took advantage of the arrival of the German forces in February 1918 to exact revenge on those who had seized their property. The temporary return of the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the Estonian War of Independence was often seen as a pretext to avenge the injustices suffered under German occupation. The liberation of Estonia from the Red Army at the beginning of 1919 resulted in yet another wave of violence. The terror abated with the strengthening of state authority and the coming to power of a democratically elected government in April 1919. 相似文献
56.
从本质上说,金融业是一种“信息密集性”或“信息敏感性”产业,对于金融全球化而言,信息技术进步具有特殊重要的意义。在信息科技革命引领和推动下,互联网与金融业相互融合,掀起了人类历史上第二次大规模的金融全球化浪潮。当代金融全球化迅猛发展对国际金融安全产生了重大而深远的影响,新一轮大规模金融全球化、国际金融体系的巨大变化以及由此而形成的新的国际金融格局与既有的全球金融治理框架之间的均衡逐渐被打破,既有的全球金融治理框架越来越难以适应信息科技革命条件下金融全球化发展和维护国际金融安全的要求。为更好地适应当代金融全球化条件下建立新的国际金融公共秩序,更好地维护国际金融安全的需要,以2008年全球金融危机爆发为契机,国际社会揭开了全球金融治理改革的大幕。在国际金融体系和全球金融治理框架处于大变动和寻求新均衡的背景下,中国应抓住有利时机,以更加积极、主动的姿态参与和推动全球金融治理改革,坚持命运共同体理念,遵循责任、权力相一致和平衡的原则,倡导在全球金融治理中加强互联网的运用,为维护国际金融安全做出更大贡献。 相似文献
57.
哈尔滨是中国共产党建立稳定政权的第一个国际化大城市,外侨人口众多,犯罪率高,法律纠纷量大。从1946年—1949年,哈尔滨解放区法院受理外侨刑民事案件分别为447件和813件,占其所受理的刑民事案件总数的8.3%和14.7%。法院在涉侨审判中以民国法律、解放区的革命政策法令、苏联法以及外侨的善良风俗作为审判依据,有效地解决了纠纷,维护了社会秩序。 相似文献
58.
中国共产党文艺制度生成于与国民党争夺领导权的复杂政治斗争.1921至1929年,中国共产党在完成自身政党化的过程中逐渐确立了文艺在整个宣传工作中的地位,不仅通过政策制定和机构设立加强对文艺的组织和领导,而且将体现其政党意识的文艺思想有效地推进到社团、出版、传媒、文学教育和文学论争等现实层面.因此,中国共产党这一阶段文艺制度的建构成为1930年代的"左联"、1940年代的延安解放区以及新中国文艺制度的起源和原型. 相似文献
59.
吴平 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2004,(6):32-34
中国新民主主义革命时期的刑事法规中的资格刑经历了萌芽、初创、形成和发展四个阶段。它对新中国刑法中的资格刑的创立和发展奠定了历史基础。 相似文献
60.
Walden Bello 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(1):21-58
This contribution focuses on five societies that experienced successful counterrevolutions. It looks at how the dialectic of revolution and counterrevolution operated in Italy, Indonesia, Chile, Thailand and the Philippines. It seeks to understand the motion of different classes in periods of great political fluidity. It explores the dynamic relationship between conflict in the countryside and the overarching conflict of classes and their political representatives at the national level. Finally, it probes the relationship between domestic counterrevolution and global geopolitics. 相似文献