德国刑事司法实践中证人拒绝作证的新发展——从两个案例出发

中国学界近年一直激烈讨论外国法中的＂非法证据排除制度＂,其中包括德国刑事诉讼法中的证据禁止制度。对于德国刑事诉讼法第55条规定的＂不得自证其罪原则＂和第52条至第54条规定的＂拒绝作证权＂的讨论尤为激烈,纷纷主张在中国建立相应的刑事诉讼制度规范,以保障犯罪嫌疑人、被告人和证人的权益。德国法判例表明,违背＂不得自证其罪原则＂将导致德国法上的证据使用禁止。另外,德国法庭审判强调直接审理原则,其中调查程序中的笔录不可以作为证据在法庭审判中宣读,甚至对于传闻证据——调查程序中进行审讯的警察和检察官——也不可以作为证人出庭作证。     

试论我国知名运动员人格权在商业利用中的保护

在现代社会，知名运动员的人格权的商业利用逐渐增多，在商业利用过程中不可避免地会出现知名运动员人格权受侵害的情况，因而分析侵害的根源，规范商业利用的形式，采取相关法律措施保护我国知名运动员商业利用中的人格权就显得尤为必要，在理论和实践中都应对此予以重视。     

新时期民主政治中表达权研究

表达权既是个人自我价值实现的途径，也是实现人民自治的民主政治的重要手段。人的一切权利正是从表达权开始的。研究新时期民主政治中表达权，必须从表达权的内涵、理论渊源、实现形式、意义等方面入手，系统研究其来龙去脉，以推进民主政治和谐建设。     

SEX EDUCATION LEFT AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE SCHOOL DOOR: STRICTER REQUIREMENTS FOR PARENTAL OPT‐OUT PROVISIONS

Current state law creates the risk that, if sex education is not provided to a child in public school, no similar instruction will be given to the child. Legislatively enacted opt‐out provisions give parents broad control over their child's education by granting them the option to have their child excused from any sex education requirements within a public school's curriculum. Through public school sex education, professionals provide youth information aimed at protecting them from the dangers of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). A stricter statutory opt‐out provision should be enacted by state legislatures that only allows parents to excuse their child from sex education after a parent attends a 90‐minute STD prevention course and receives the instructional material used in the school's sex education curriculum. Parents should be provided up‐to‐date information and a structural framework designed by the school to encourage them to discuss with their child the many sexual issues addressed within a school's sex education curriculum.     

Why Right‐Leaning Populism has Grown in the Most Advanced Liberal Democracies of Europe

Immigration and new class divisions, combined with a growing anti‐elitism and political correctness, are often used as explanations for the strong gains for right‐leaning populist parties in national elections across Europe in recent years. But contrary to what we might assume, such parties have been very successful in the most developed and comprehensive welfare states, in nations—such as the Nordic countries—with the best scores on economic equality and social inclusion and long established political and judicial institutions enjoying a high degree of popular legitimacy. As argued in this article, this seems to happen because a duopoly of the centre‐left and centre‐right political establishment has kept issues such as immigration and new class divisions off the public agenda and hence paved the way for right‐leaning ‘disruptor’ populist parties with an anti‐immigration agenda in times of increasing immigration.     

‘Austria First’ revisited: a diachronic cross-sectional analysis of the gender and body politics of the extreme right

ABSTRACT

In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.     

环境公益诉权及其程序保障——以检察机关提起环境公益诉讼为视角

实践表明,我国保护环境的传统模式即行政执法方式是失灵的。当前,探索司法介入环境保护的新模式是必要的,而环境司法的首要问题就是环境公益诉权的问题。根据我国实际情况,赋予检察机关环境公益诉权不仅是必要的,而且是可行的。同时,还要探索检察机关在提起环境公益诉讼过程中的诉讼地位、处分权的规制、证明责任的分配、诉讼时效等程序机制,以达到既保障且诉权、又加以合理规制的目的。     

民法诚信原则与劳动法适用之博弈论纲——以“奋斗者协议”和“自愿弃保”为例

"奋斗者协议"与"自愿弃保"案件背后隐含的法理可简概为民法诚信原则与劳动法适用问题。实践中的误读和误判、《民法典》缺失劳动权(益)之基本民事权利设置、共享经济下新型劳动用工和疫情与后疫情时代之多重叠加效应,导致了劳动法之"衰"与"殇"。民法诚信原则同样适用劳动法含社会保障法,所谓劳动法不能适用该原则或者民法思维模式都是不严谨之"伪"命题。劳动法适用诚信原则应当考量其特殊性,惩戒权适用时,应当遵循比例原则和有利原则,并不得涉及劳动者非职业行为即私人行为和排除社会保障权。任何排除或剥夺劳动者社会保障权的约定或规章都是无效的。后劳动合同义务适用诚信原则不能"选择性""遗漏"抗辩权,如果当事人依法行使抗辩权,则不能裁定其违反了诚信原则,否则就是"伪"民法思维模式。实习关系属于特殊的劳动关系,在实习法律规范严重缺失下,用具有弥补法律不足之价值与功能的诚信原则治理"虚假实习"完全必要而且可行。     

古文点校智力成果可版权性的证伪与保护路径简

古文点校的本质在于最大程度复原古文原意,因此必然受到上下文内容、时代背景、历史事实、古文语法等诸多限制,点校青在事实上无法做到任意取舍,在表达结果上必然是趋同的 . 而只存在有限表达方式的智力成果不能构成作品,对于此类智力成果的保护,可以寻求邻接权的保护.     

质疑魔术的作品属性

我国法律规定的魔术作品是指魔术的全部动作编排,包括可以被观众感知的部分以及观众无法感知的部分。这两个部分结合在一起,共同组成一个完整的魔术,二者缺一不可。作品受著作权保护的要件之一是可复制性,可复制性要求作品能够被重复再现,从一份复制到多份。秘密性是魔术的生命力所在,这一点决定了魔术无法满足可复制性的要求。因此,魔术不能被纳入作品行列,可以利用商业秘密制度来保护魔术中未公开的动作编排。同时,有必要扩大表演者的范围,将表演者扩至表演非作品但具有公开娱乐性质的活动的人。基于此,可以借助表演者权来保护魔术演员的权利。