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161.
根据党的十九届四中全会决议,在国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的背景下,刑法现代化需要继续发展。反观我国刑法学领域,现代化刑法的追求还占据着当代刑法学人的思维,遮蔽了中国刑法现代化之未来图景的真实面貌,妨碍了中国刑法现代化的进一步发展。为此,我们有必要从现代性的一般特征出发,尝试着以现代之后的视角看待刑法现代化发展及其遭遇的“陷阱”。在对现代性中的基础主义、表象主义,以及普遍主义的批判基础上,实现现代刑法经由自由刑法向风险刑法、单一法典化向立法多样化和实践理性向交往理性三个维度的转化,并为中国刑法的现代化事业提供更为充足的理论动力。  相似文献   
162.
张建文  高悦 《河北法学》2020,38(1):43-56
大数据时代,匿名化规范既是个人信息保护中风险预防的手段,也是我国数据经济发展中数字流通的法律基础,但匿名化的法律标准在我国法律中还有待明确。欧盟已通过《一般数据保护条例》提出明确的匿名化标准,但该条例基于流程设置的标准适用于欧盟境内尚可,适用于我国或显得过于严苛,有碍数字经济的发展。我国个人信息匿名化法律标准与规则的重塑应当考虑环境、再识别风险,建议进行功能性匿名化。将比例原则应用到我国匿名化法律标准和规则的重塑之中,并将其引入到评估匿名信息接收者的风险等级,有助于降低个人信息被再识别的风险亦有利于匿名化的法律标准制定和规则构建。  相似文献   
163.
反对腐败、建设廉洁政治,是党一贯坚持的鲜明政治立场。这个问题解决不好,就会对党造成致命伤害。目前,腐败涉及的数字触目惊心,坚决惩治、有效预防腐败和加强党风廉政建设,是党必须始终抓好的重大政治任务。内部控制体系建立的目的就是为了保证经济资源的安全完整、经济信息的正确可靠、经营行为的合理合法、经济活动的有序进行,以及经营风险的有效规避,使其在党风廉政建设中发挥积极作用。  相似文献   
164.
随着当今社会风险的不断加剧、不可逆转损害后果的频繁出现,生物多样性保护不应局限于事后的补救性救济,而应当积极拓展其预防功能,将隐患消弭于尚未发生之际是生物多样性预防公益诉讼的应有之义。就现行司法救济体系而言,尚存在法源理论上的不相妥协、立法维度上的事后救济为主、司法实践中的固守谨慎等鲜明特征。因此,应当在风险预防原则与比例原则的引导下,加快推进生物多样性专门立法、明确“重大风险”判断基准、完善生物多样性多元保障体系、打造查、审、执相互贯通的全链条式体系。  相似文献   
165.
新冠肺炎疫情是时空压缩的现代化中社会风险的突发呈现,具有强传播性、不确定性等特点,这增加了防控和治理难度。农村社会为化解疫情防控资源不足和设施薄弱等问题,实现了由常规治理向运动式治理的快速切换,通过集中资源、快速决策、硬核管控、群众参与等方式,建立起“低成本、高效率”的治理体系,实现了疫情的高效防控。农村高质量的防控源于治理模式的转换,也得益于村庄日常性合作文化的培育、组织载体的建设和群众路线的坚守,这对基层治理能力的提升、乡村振兴的实践及国家应急管理体系的完善都具有重要借鉴意义。  相似文献   
166.
Hague Convention cases are a growing niche in forensic assessments. These cases focus on returning children, or preventing their return, after international abductions, by one of the parents, has occurred. This article focuses on the legal underpinnings of the Hague Abduction Convention, the “affirmative defenses” that may be invoked to prevent a return order, including “grave risk of harm,” “mature objection”, and the “well settled defense.” The article will also focus on the increasing roles that forensic evaluators play in these matters, the distinction between the role of forensic experts in custody proceedings and Hague cases, and the inherent limitations present in these unique kinds of evaluations.  相似文献   
167.
The article aims to explore whether the accuracy of voters' perceptions of party ideology are affected by party position shifts and by the media's turn to non-left-right issues, such as political leadership, during election campaigns. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) and a country-specific left-right index based on data by the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP), multilevel analyses reveal that emphasizing leadership issues can lead voters to reflect left-right positions more accurately. A party's left-right position shift between elections does not lead to a significant difference in voters' perceptions, while a shift on the economic sub-dimension of left-right ideology can even lead voters to more position clarity. However, multiple parties' shifting their positions seems to overburden respondents' cognitive capacity.  相似文献   
168.
A number of cities in the United States have devised climate action plans (CAPs) to mitigate the effects of climate change. However, few of these plans address strategies to adapt to the long term effects of climate change that will occur in the near and distant future. The research presented in this article examines why cities choose to embed adaptation provisions in their CAPs. Our study codes the content of CAPs for all cities (N = 98) in the United States with populations greater than 50,000. We find cities that frame problems associated with climate change in the language of hazards are more likely to include adaptation strategies in their CAPs than cities that focus on other types of environmental harm. Our findings suggest that more robust efforts to plan for climate change will require the activation of communities of interest beyond those that have been instrumental in setting the current climate agenda.  相似文献   
169.
In China, urban middle class mobilization against potential pollution risk has become increasingly common. This article examines this phenomenon through a detailed case study of a 2009 anti‐waste incinerator campaign in the Panyu District of Guangzhou, which culminated in a sizeable public protest and government U‐turn. This episode revealed tension between the narrow, state‐centered regulatory model fixated on end‐of‐pipe pollution control, and a much broader decentered approach advocated – and practiced – by project opponents, which incorporated public consultation and much greater emphasis on upstream waste reduction and sorting. In the process, the Panyu campaign progressed beyond a case of “regulation by escalation,” whereby beneficial regulations are belatedly enforced following populist pressure. Instead, it transformed into an open dialogue between a plurality of actors, including citizens, journalists, experts, and officials, about what regulation should constitute and who should determine acceptable levels of risk. By focusing on the processes through which regulatory issues emerged and changed during the Panyu campaign, this article highlights the regulatory dynamism of environmental mobilization in a context of regulatory uncertainty, and campaigns against “locally unwanted land uses” more broadly.  相似文献   
170.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the ongoing discourse on children's rights and related attitudes towards individualisation and risk in contemporary Japan's education system. The paper is also interested in how this discourse is translated into concrete change. The concepts of ‘children's rights’ and ‘risk society’ both have their origins in Western conceptions of the relationship between the individual and society, and the place of children and young people in that society. This paper explores the way that these concepts have been transformed by their adoption into domestic Japanese discourse on education reform. After a discussion of how the classical liberal concepts of positive and negative human rights can be applied to the specific case of children's rights, the discussion moves on to show how this debate has developed in Japan since the 1980s. Then the paradigm of the ‘Risk Society’ is introduced and the concepts of ‘positive risks’ and ‘negative risks’ are explored, first with reference to schooling in Western countries and then in relation to Japan. Finally, the relationship between risk, rights and neoliberalism is discussed, and it is shown how Western notions of individualisation have met strong resistance from various actors on both sides of the political spectrum. In the case of the Japanese education system, the shift of responsibility from state bureaucracies to individuals and private-sector organisations that is predicted by Risk Society theory has only partially taken place.  相似文献   
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